جستجوی مقالات مرتبط با کلیدواژه « شاه ایران » در نشریات گروه « کتابداری و مدیریت اطلاعات »

In 1929 widespread rioting occurred within the Bakhtiari tribe and caused serious problems for the newly-formed Pahlavi government. is rioting, which was led by a Bakhtiari khan named Ali Morad Khan, brought many casualties and losses to the newlyestablished army of Reza Shah and therefore forced him to adopt a new policy toward the Bakhtiari tribe. Arresting the tribe leaders and weakening the political and military power of the Bakhtiaris through disarming them and forcing them to settle were the main features of this policy. e most important question about this event is: what were its roots, and what results did this rioting have for the Bakhtiari tribe? is leads to another essential question: was this rioting an anti-government movement from its beginning or was it an intra-tribal conict? Based on the records and evidence available on the factors triggering this rioting, this research aims to study its eects on the relations between the Bakhtiaris and Reza Shah, and the essence of this rioting from the perspective of the rioter's approach toward the newly-established Pahlavi government.

After the death of Nader Shah and the wars over his succession in which his children, cousins and some of his commanders such as Karim Khan Zand, Azad Khan Afghan and Mohammad Hassan Khan Qajar were involved, the control of the central government over the Caucasus Region was reduced. The rulers of this region, observing the weakness of the government of Iran and aiming to protect their own interests, proclaimed independence and some were attracted to the newly-emerged power of north, Russia. During the reign of Zand Dynasty, except for the superficial declaration of allegiance by individuals such as Panah Khan Javanshir and Erekle – which was done solely because of the Zand army attacking Azerbaijan to confront Fat’h Ali Khan Afshar, no other efforts were made to revive Iranian control over the Caucasus region. One reason for this was that the Zand Khan was busy battling with other Naderi commanders and dealing with problems he was facing in the south of the country and therefore he did not feel ready to take any action in this regard. After the death of Karim Khan and the commencement of continual battles between the heads of the Zand tribe over his succession, the superficial dominance of Iran over this region practically ended.In this period, the Russians were successful in concluding the Georgiyevsk treaty in 1783 with Erekle II, king of Georgia, which made this country a protectorate of Russia. After signing this treaty in the final years of the Zand dynasty, the king of Georgia not only evaded the responsibility of paying taxes to Iran’s court but also paved the way for further interference of the Russians in other regions of Caucasus. This research, using a descriptive and analytic method based on library records, aims to illustrate the conditions of Caucasus during the ruling of the Zand khans over some parts of Iran and to answer the question: what position did the Caucasus region and especially the South Caucasus region have in the political disposition of Karim Khan and other khans of the Zand Dynasty?

Academies of language are products of the growth and development of nationalistic thoughts, the formation of modern government in Europe during the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries and the dominance of the “national language” issue. But in Iran the Academy of Persian Language, as the academy of the national language of Iran, was not just the product of choosing and introducing Persian as the national language of Iran. It came into existence as a result of the prevalence of excessive “pure” -writing, which was always a serious manifestation of archaic nationalism in the field of language and literature. The history of pure-writing is traced back to the era of the Mughals of India and Safavids, and production of distorted books such as “Dasatir” written by Zoroastrians of India. Furthermore, the history of forming a council for creating words and preventing disorder in the dictation of words dates back to the era of Naser-al-Din Shah Qajar. In the late Qajar Era and during the Constitutional Era this process became one of the serious concerns of the archaist intelligentsia, and its heritage was passed on to the first Pahlavi era. During Reza Shah’s reign, and in the cultural atmosphere of that era – in which nationalism was dominant over all reformations and sociocultural activities – pure-writing, which involves the avoidance of foreign words, especially Arabic and Turkish words, received serious official endorsement. The chaos which followed led to the formation of a scientific society, and eventually to the Academy of Persian Language, charged with selecting and coining Persian words in a precise way. In this paper the progress of these developments is studied and analysed, based on resources of the first Pahlavi era.

After the death of Mozaffar al-Din Shah, Mohammad Ali Mirza was crowned on the 18th of Dey (solar month) in 1285 and ascended the throne as the new king. He affirmed his hostility to the constitution and constitutionalists by not inviting deputies of the council parliament to the coronation celebration. He resisted constitutionalists during his reign and also after taking refuge in Russia during his exile from Iran. In this article we review his hostility to the constitution from 1290, when he returned Iran through Astar Abad with the assistance of the Russians and his brothers. Also, according to insecurity and wars which occurred in different parts of country as a result of his stance, we consider the consequences this hostility had for him.

The empowerment and enthronement of Reza Shah was achieved through the assistance of a group of intellectuals and political activists, who wanted to put an end to the chaotic conditions of Iran, promote political centralization and establish discipline and security around the country. One of the intellectuals who assisted Reza Shah at that time and supported him until and after taking the throne was Abdolhossein Teymourtash. After Reza Shah’s enthronement, Teymourtash was appointed as minister of the royal court of the Pahlavi dynasty. Again at this post, he was very helpful to Reza Shah. However, he was suddenly dismissed as a minister of court, sent to prison and tragically killed there. This research aims to scientifically and methodologically study and analyze the reasons for Teymourtash's rise and fall. In this research, the author aims to answer the following questions: 1- why did Reza Shah, among several Possible choices, appoint Teymourtash as a Pahlavi court minister? 2- Despite the outstanding services, Teymourtash provided for the Pahlavi administration, why did Reza Shah suddenly dismiss him? In response to these two questions, two suppositions are proposed: 1- Reza Shah appointed Teymourtash as a minister of court due to his merit and also because of his Continuing efforts to pave the way for Reza Shah’s enthronement. 2- The increasing power of Teymourtash as a minister of court and the fact that he was becoming the second most powerful person of the country, made Reza Shah, a suspicious dictator-worried for the future of his throne. He therefore dismissed Teymourtash.

Simultaneously with other countries of the region, during the two world wars, the necessity of a regular and integrated army in Iran was felt more than before. Therefore, military authorities of Iran made efforts to form such an army. The establishment of a military conscription system was in line with efforts made to form such an army. However, this plan faced considerable oppositions and problems. Using existing records and documents, this paper aims to analyze and study the establishment of the military conscription system in the era of Reza Shah Pahlavi.

In the present essay a record will be dealt which founded recently in one of records centre in judiciary regarding Ali- Akbar –e Davar. The document is the verdict of Supreme Court concerning Mohammad-Ali Aynakchi who was accused to slap and insult Davar, the then Judicature Minister. Beside the verdict of Supreme Court, there is a petition written by the accused’s family addressed to the presidents of the court; it contains some interesting points about social-political conditions of that phase of Iran’s contemporary history. Furthermore, the function of Davar during his presence in political scene as well as some points respecting Iran’s social, political, and economic conditions will be discussed.

Here, the role of Azod-ol molk is examined in events after Tehran Conquest during more than a year. Since he was one of the old personages of Qajar court who had many posts and offices, his political shifting toward leaders of revolution of Constitutionalism in Iran and his close cooperation with them is interesting. His political shifting caused to be appointed regency of Ahmad shah, one of the most important posts in that time, by the most Constitutionalismseeking leaders with any kind of tendency, from left to right. It is concluded that it is Azod-ol Molk’s moderate character and his arbitrative spirit had the basic role in broad consensus of all frictions of Constitutionalism on him, although he didn’t enjoy sufficient understanding of internal and foreign affairs of Iran.

Eqbal-o-Saltaneh Makuei became the ruler of Maku after his father died in 1898. Taking advantage of the powerlessness of Iran’s central government, Eqbal-o-Saltaneh consolidated his authority in the region. He then used his authority to evade the supervision of the central government and establish relations with Russia and the Ottomans against the government’s will. After the 1920 coup d’état, Eqbal-o-Saltaneh Makuei continued his previous policy of not completely obeying the central government and pursued relations with the Soviet Union and turkey. The critical point in these relations was when he signed a commercial contract with the Soviet Union as an independent ruler. The conduct of Eqbal-o-Saltaneh was in open opposition to the policy of Reza Shah who tried to break the power of local rulers and tribes and reinforce the dominance of the central government all around Iran. The new political conditions of Iran, the significance of the region and the stubbornness of Eqbal-o-Saltaneh Makuei on the one hand and his bad reputation for quarreling with people of the region during the Constitutional Revolution and having no national credibility on the other hand, motivated Reza Shah to arrest and kill him. After killing Eqbal-o-Saltaneh, the dominance of the central government was established in the region after several decades and the tribes of the region were placed under the government’s supervision.

In the past, wood was one of the most important trade items between Iran and Russia. Different kinds of trees growing in the north of Iran had an important effect on wood trade during the Qajar dynasty, especially the trade done via the Caspian Sea. In the middle of the Nasseri era, the volume of wood trade significantly increased due to the opening of new sea and land trade routes in the north of Iran. Cassius Brothers and Theophylaktos owned the largest logging concession in the Iranian Caspian forests and had the monopoly of the wood trade of northern Iran for more than two decades. This paper aims to describe Iran’s wood trade by Cassius brothers and Theophylaktos via the Caspian Sea in the Qajar era from 1883 to 1908 according to archival records. Firstly the status of wood trade before the Cassius brothers and Theopylaktos is explained. The article then discusses the granting of the northern forests’ logging concession to them. Finally, the consequences of the concession agreement arc presented

This paper begins by introducing a number of decrees issued by Safavid Shahs which were inscribed on stones and displayed in public places such as mosques and bazaars. It then studies four inscriptions of Shah Abass’s decrees which are installed in Shah’s Mosque of Isfahan, Mir- emad Mosque of Kashan, Jame’ Mosque of Ardestan, and Jame’ Mosque of Damavand. This study shows that the decrees of Safavid shahs were issued for different purposes and with various subjects such as: offering tax breaks, victory over Uzbeks, preventing corruption, pro­hibition of selling and using drugs and alcoholic drinks, and restriction on different types of unhealthy leisure activities such as wolf races, gambling and pigeon keeping. Offering special tax breaks to Shiites in Ramadan which is one of the major subjects of these decrees shows the Safavid shah’s religious affiliations.

This paper, aiming to present a newly found record about Mirzadeh Eshghi, reviews the social and political conditions of Eshghi’s time and studies his political and cultural life. This newly found record is the verdict of the Supreme Court of Iran on Abolghasem Bahman, an accused murderer of Eshghi. Mirzadeh Eshghi was a poet of late Qajar and early Pahlavi period. The victory of the Constitutional Revolution which caused far-reaching political, social and cultural changes, along with events such as the First World War, occupation of Iran and the coup d’etat of February 21, 1921, provoked reactions from Eshghi. He criticized the conditions of his society via poems, screenplays, and other writings. Such social activities and especially publishing the Gharn-e Bistom (Twentieth Century) newspaper was not welcomed by Reza Shah and led to the political persecution and assassination of Eshghi. The murderers of Eshghi escaped and only one of them were captured by people. Although the case of this accused murderer was brought to court, finally he was acquitted.

This article begins by reviewing the reasons for providing weapons for military me in Iran. It explains that the increasing use of firearms by the military led to the development of specialized skills among the military. The growing power and effectiveness of the army forced Shah Abbas to make changes in its structure so as to maintain his overall control. A number of specialized military skills are reviewed according to two records of decrees issued by Shah Soltan Hossein, the last Safavid king. Finally, it is concluded that the army was an important tool for the kings of Iran, by which they could have threatened their enemies and prolonged their own government.

This article studies the procedure of applying Reza Shah’s decree of banning the Hijab specifically in Esfahan and the outcomes that it had in this city according to the existing records and resources. The article concludes that banning the Hijab was one of the most controversial acts of Reza Shah. Many reactions and disagreements arouse from the ban of Hijab in Esfahan because this city was a religious and traditional city. Therefore the government resorted to enforcing the ban. At the same time, some social classes willingly accepted the ban.

After the approval of the law on unifying clothes in 1928, this law was enforced in different areas of the country. One of these areas was Isfahan. The Imposition of this law in Isfahan had many problems and the government took various actions to make it work.There was a variety of reactions from different social classes to this issue. A group of businessmen were in favor of it and some, who would lose, were against it. The clergy were also a part of the society which was troubled. This article, using the available sources and records, studies the method of enforcing the law of unifying clothes in Isfahan and the reactions to it in this city.