جستجوی مقالات مرتبط با کلیدواژه "pahlavi" در نشریات گروه "جغرافیا"

The Pahlavi dynasty (1925-1979), made purposeful efforts to modernize Iran by government and social forces. Researches that have been usually done in this regard have mainly emphasized on the role of the government and oil revenues in the development process. Although the role of government institutions cannot be denied, developmental social forces also played an important positive role in this process. The relationship between the government and social forces, and the role of this relationship in advancing modernization in the Pahlavi era is the main question of this article.we believe Pahlavi as a strong developmental state could attract the cooperation of social forces that supported development, especially the intellectuals, the new middle class and bureaucrats.and could curb the social forces who were against development, and succeeded in advancing development . But at the end of Pahlavi's life, the gap between these social forces and the government led to the fall of the government and the halting of the development process.The theoretical framework of this article was formed by the critical look to Leftwich Developmental State theory. The article’s data have also been collected and analyzed in a documentary-library form.

Space is a social and consequently a political thing, and apart from worldview, ideology and discourse, it cannot be formed and developed, and the ideological framework of the formation forms the ruling policies, which are crystallized in the form of governing discourse. Each of the new forms of government and new patterns of political power introduces its own methods for dividing space, discourse, objects, and people living in space, and how it is used to change over time and use space to give economic and political strategies required for the exercise of power and discourse processes. In Iran, in the last hundred years, with the coming to power of Reza Khan in 1925, the central discourse of the Pahlavi government with the supremacy of the absolute Pahlavi discourse, and by articulating the signs of this discourse with hegemony and domination, represented space and created reasonable spaces. For the first time in history, it emerged as a dominant discourse in the society. 

The present study seeks to provide a dialectical analysis of the process of space production in Tehran by identifying the dominant discourses in the period 1925-1941. Hence, it falls into the category of "fundamental" research. On the other hand, the executive path of research is "analytical-exploratory".

The most important dominant discourse in Iran in the twentieth century was formed based on the Pahlavi Absolute Discourse of a complex set of diverse disciplines including the theory of Persian monarchy, traditional patrimonialism, the discourse of development and development in the style of Western modernism, legalism and the people. The discourse emphasized authoritarianism, reform from above, modernist rationality, Iranian nationalism, political centralism, cultural modernism, secularism, and industrial development. The absolutist state that emerged in the light of this discourse sought to move Iranian society and economy from a traditional, pre-capitalist formulation, and do major harm to Groups and culture introduced traditional society with its rationalist, authoritarian, and normative character. The purpose and scope of Reza Shahchr('39')s policies were, in practice, cities and urban social classes. On one hand, there were observed development measures and activities to modernize the country in cities, such as the demolition of old neighborhoods and the construction of new streets, and on the other hand, the expansion of government bureaucracy caused a mean for the central government to dominate on peoplechr('39')s daily activities. During these years, the most noticeable changes took place in Tehran. The enactment of the Municipal Law in 1309 provided a suitable vehicle for heavy interventions in the old urban fabric; the law of widening and developing the streets and alleys in 1933, the first echo of Hussman urban planning and as a symbol of modernity were revealed. Two cruciform streets tear apart the old fabric of the city, crucifying the old city and separating the elements of urban spaces. The street is considered as a powerful tool in the city and becomes a dominant element that no element can deal with it compared to previous periods.The discourse of absolute Pahlavi modernism in the form of spatial representation has created a city with a body, image, face and structure different from Tehranchr('39')s past. In other words, the Pahlavi discourse has represented new spaces through hegemony and domination. Some of the social changes in Tehran in this period that distinguish it from previous periods are social and cultural changes including improving education, building a university, rejecting the hijab, reviving the Persian language by the language of academy, and immigration. Rural and urban population growth, expansion of government offices and the formation of a new administrative class ; Economic and infrastructural changes, urban planning and architecture, including Tehran city development plan, implementation of Baladieh law, establishment of Bank Melli Iran, construction of Mehrabad airport, emergence of new urban activities and functions, construction of cruciform streets, squares, bazaar  ; Political changes include the emergence of a new bureaucracy, the consolidation of central government power, the formation of a modern army, the concentration of state affairs in the capital, the establishment of new urban divisions, relations with European countries, and their role in governance.Totalitarian modernism, in order to achieve its enlightened menus, has to consolidate the bureaucratic system. State cities that are already in a semi-independent relationship with the center can only be the executor of the Cairo government bureaucracy in their new affiliate relationship. Following the Pahlavi bureaucratic approach, the city was given priority both as a physical manifestation of the current thinking of the time and as a platform for the forthcoming developments for organizing. Any urban regulation will inevitably lead to a cessation of organ development. On the other hand, with the seriousness of the issue of private property, the necessity of developing a new urban system became more apparent.

The urban plans of the 1930s clearly show how the relationship between the inhabitant and the resident and the relationship between the city and society sought an instrumental relationship, and for this reason, this relationship and through it, development was considered as an external matter and with no worries, they have made a historical break by discarding previous social, economic, and cultural formations. Without worrying that man achieves being through habitation. The result is not only the physical disintegration of the city, but also the disintegration of the socio-cultural organization. Henceforth, the city is the place of crystallization of socio-cultural and physical-spatial distinctions that arise due to the demand for capital and the mercantile circulation of goods and capital, and through the indiscriminate occupation of land as the main element of trade in opposition to biological methods. It even offers its own climatic conditions.

A survey of the history and evidence of life in traditional Iranian neighborhood reveals a coherent, self-made physical and social structure and system that expresses the transcendent concepts of human dwelling. Neighborhoods today due to changing lifestyles and new urban developments, do not have the participation of locals and the self-made neighborhood system. Therefore, it is imperative to pay attention to the principles and teachings of the social life and transcendent concepts of traditional living to enhance the quality of life in today's city. The purpose of this study is to recognize the concept of dwelling in the neighborhoods of Tehran during the Qajar and Pahlavi periods and the research method is a combination of historical interpretation methods and data content analysis. This study first briefly defines the concept of neighborhood; then the factors of perception of neighborhood concept and characteristics and specifications of each factor and how to trace it from the content of the texts are presented. Finally, in the literature research, the recognition of the life and lived experiences of the dwellers of Tehran neighborhoods is discussed; this section is based on a number of social cultural writings from Tehran neighborhoods. The result is that the factors and criteria of perception of neighborhood concept demonstrate the social role and participation of citizens in different aspects of dwelling, including good affairs and social-political movements in neighborhoods. Neighborhoods that have been a place for the presentation and emergence of social and cultural values including dedication, charity, respect for elders, and the arrest of the deprived; whereas concepts of territory, hierarchy and privacy are defined and appearanced in neighborhood physics and perceptions of dwellers and they are relatively satisfied with the provision of many of the services in the neighborhood and the mental relaxation of social dwelling. As a result, dwellers have considered themselves part of the neighborhood and the emergence of place belongings to the neighborhood can be understood in various physical, behavioral, and semantic dimensions.

People's voluntary contributions and activities to manage various affairs, especially in supportive affairs and poverty alleviation, have always been a part of human activities. Endowment or vaqf is one of the ways of social contribution that social groups, including women, are engaged in. The purpose of this research is to identify how women in Tehran participated in vaqf-related social activities during the Qajar and Pahlavi periods. The research method is documentary-descriptive. The statistical population includes all the endower women of Tehran city in the studied periods whose information is available. The vaqf-related data of these endower women were collected from valid sources, and were analyzed using statistical methods and AHP model. The findings show that the women of Tehran, having the right to own property and financial independence, have had the opportunity to participate in social affairs according to their tendency. Although in both studied periods, the religious motivation for vaqf had a higher position than other motivations, during the Qajar period, part of the development and Construction process of Tehran city has been accomplished through vaqf. The type of endowment sites is closely related to the social class of the endowers. Therefore, since most of the women in the city of Tehran during the Qajar period were mainly from the aristocracy and the lords, their most endowed sites is commercial, with a tendency towards dokan (old small store or shop), which in the Pahlavi era, was replaced with residential sites, especially home.