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جستجوی مقالات مرتبط با کلیدواژه « Az » در نشریات گروه « علوم انسانی »

  • مهدی محمد*، عادل مقدادیان، ابوالفضل تاجیک

    دیو در ادیان باستانی و ادبیات اسطوره‎ای‎ ایران مصداق بدی و شر بود. تجلی این بدی در آیین زرتشتی در قالب صفات رذیله و در تاریخ باستان به عنوان افراد منحرف یا دشمن تصویر می شد. در دوران اسلامی و در ادبیات سامی نیز همانندهایی برای این مفهوم و نماد وجود دارد. غول، شیطان و جن، امتدادی از دیو باستانی است. در داستان تعزیه شست بستن، با همین نماد برخورد داریم. تجلی آز، خشم یا ایشمه و اژدهاک در دیو تعزیه شست بستن، عناصر ایرانی این مفهوم را تشکیل می دهند و روند تحولی دیو در تعامل با انبیاء سامی و نهایتا تحول شخصیتی دیو به دست امام علی حاکی از پذیرش و شکل و رنگ یافتن این اسطوره در قالب حقایق اسلامی است. این پژوهش سعی دارد با بررسی متن شش اثر تعزیه ای که در آن سخن از گناه دیو و تحول اوست، میزان تطبیق آن را با ماهیت دیو در ادبیات باستانی نشان دهد.

    کلید واژگان: آز, شست بستن, دیو, امام علی}
    Mahdi Mohamadi *, Adel Meghdadian, Abolfazl Tajik
    Introduction 

    The presence of demons as evil and demonic beings in epic literature as well as religious epic narrations is very abundant. Hence, the demons' story is also considered a style in religious erature. In ancient religious texts, the demon was the main manifestation of evil and the devil's army. For example, in Zoroastrian texts, vicious traits such as greed, anger and aggression were appeared in the form of demons such as Az, Ishma and Aži dahāka. By sinning human beings, these demons gained power and were weakened by their piety. In different historical periods, the use of this word has not been limited to the attributes of vice, but sometimes it was also used to refer to the enemy or all non-Zoroastrians. (See Akbari Mafakher, 2008, p. 53-55). In the Islamic era, the word demon maintained its negative position. As time has passed since the arrival of Islam in Iran, this ancient concept has become more and more intertwined with Islamic texts, so that it finds a place in religious texts, such as taziyehs. In taziyeh, the demon no longer refers to the evil of antiquity and Zoroastrian texts. It is a creature that has chosen the wrong path and not inherently evil. In taziyeh ceremonies, ting the demon's thumb also appears in this form. (See Karami and Parsapour, 2016, p. 73). The demon of taziyeh lived thousands of years before the creation of Adam, and he is depicted as a male, huge and violent creature that has been harassing creatures. Because of this behavior, Imam Ali (PBUH) appeared to him in the form of a teenager slapped him hard and tied his thumb with a rope or a strand of hair. The demon wanders until the creation of Adam. After that, he goes to the service of the divine prophets, but none of them can heal the wound caused by the slap or open his thumb. Eventually, with the advent of Islam, the demon went to the Prophet and at his command, Imam Ali opened his thumb and the demon became a Muslim. This research seeks to answer the following questions about this story. In the pre-human era, what sin did the demon commit that was punishable? What are the similarities between the sins of demons, as expressed in the Taziyeh texts, and the actions of ancient demons? How did his punishment relate to the nature of his sin? During his imprisonment, what process of transformation did the demon undergo that led to his conversion to Islam? In this research, it is assumed that the greatest sin of the demon is oppression and extravagance against the natural world and then his arrogance towards God, which is manifested in the form of aggression. The slap seems to have been the punishment for the sin of arrogance, and tying the thumb, the punishment for the sin of oppression and extravagance, because in this way, the demon could no longer eat. For a long time, demon's life was marked by pain and hunger, His repeated frustrations caused him to despair of his situation and wish for death. His greed and arrogance disappeared in this austerity and rationality replaced it. 

    Methodology 

    The method of this research is descriptive-comparative. In this study, by comparing the texts of the taziyeh of the demon's tying thumbs, a description of the demon's sin and his transformation process is obtained. Then, examines the extent of its compatibility with pre-Islamic texts and its derivations from Islamic sacred texts, by matching it with the ancient heritage. 

    Discussion 

    One of the styles of religious literature is the demons' stories (cf. Karami and Parsapour, 2016, p. 73). The demons, along with the gods and human beings form a triad of mythological thought systems. Of course, demons were not bad from the beginning (Cf. Amuzgar, 1992, p. 16-22). And, they may have found their way among the gods, but some of their betrayals and turning their backs on the gods and associating with human beings made them removed them from the ranks of the gods. The demon also had a sinful background. Anger, covetousness, greed and such traits, practically led the demons into rebellion against the gods. In Islamic literature, there is also talk of demons. This autonomous being is known in Quranic-hadith texts by the keyword of jinn. The general meaning of the demon as a metaphor of the devil, Iblis, Satan, the Giant, the Jinn, the Al , davālpā , Nasnas and other evil creatures can be traced in the oral and official texts of the Islamic period (Ebrahimi, 2013, p. 71). in the literature of religious myths, such as the fiction literature of taziyeh, these jinns are also referred to as demons. The tribe of jinns or demons are themselves divided into two categories. The jinn of the believer and the jinn or the demons of the infidel. The unbelief of demons in taziyeh texts is very similar to those told in the mythological literature of ancient Iran. The aim of this research is to study the nature of sin of demons and their transformation in the myths of ancient Iran and compare it with the taziyeh of tying the thumb of a demon. Mythical demons also have a lot in common with the attributes of vice and the army of ignorance in Islamic traditions. For example, the demon Az, who has an insatiable characteristic and is devoured by the devil at the end of the world, is one of the demons of Shahnameh. In Persian and Zoroastrian mythology, the demon Az, is one of the strongest allies and accomplices of the devil. In fact, he is in charge of the army. The description of Az in Bundahis (Primal Creation) is as follows: "Az is the demon who … will not accumulate and doesn't satisfied if everyone gives him the desire of the universe. (Bahar, 2018, p. 120). From a comparative point of view, , it is not without merit to mention that according to one of the texts of Ta'ziyeh, Imam Ali considers tying the hand of a demon in order to prepare creation for the creation of human. In this way, the conditions of human creation in Avestan texts are compatible with this text of taziyeh, because because in the thought of ancient Iran, after Devil was raised by Jahi, he killed cows and kiyomars in the universe (material world). After that, the battle between Ahuraians (good people) and the devil began in order to prepare the ground for the creation of human. (See Hinnells, 1989, pp. 89-91). Trumad/ Tromti or the demon of arrogance is a female demon who creates arrogance and selfishness, Just the opposite of Sepandarmaz who is a symbol of humility (ibid., p. 45). "Ishma" (the demon of anger (Avestan) aēšma is the enemy of "Soroush") which means the demon of anger and extreme violence and is the embodiment of cruelty. (Hinnells, 1989, p. 83; Bahar, 2018, p. 120). There have been other demons in the mythological literature of Iran. The demon of death (Oshidari, 1992, p. 106), the demon of lust and anxiety who are the children of the devil. (Zomorodi and Nazari, 2011, p. 62; Hinnells, 1989, p. 88). Aži dahāka is a destructive demon and devours a third of the creatures and damages fire, water and plants at the end of the world (Hinnells, 1989, p. 85). Although demons are inherently evil in the mythological literature of ancient Iran, in addition to their own control over their sin, they have also gained power through the sin of human beings. But between the demons of post-Islam and the demons of Iran, the difference is that the demon no longer refers to evil in ancient times and Zoroastrian texts, but is a creature who has chosen the wrong path and not inherently evil. Demon is the name of a group of Aryan gods that were worshiped by the people of Iran (Akbari Mafakher, 2008, p. 52) But gradually they faced the gods of Asura or Ahura and became equivalent to the devil (see Amuzgar, 1992, p. 16-18). One of the characteristics of demon stories in Islamic taziyeh texts is the stages of demon evolution. This evolution is explained in the texts of Taziyeh as follows: He was slapped hard by Imam Ali (PBUH) and his two thumbs are tied by the Imam with a palm leaf or in other words with a hair strand. The slap was so severe that his face was wounded and until he is healed by the Imam, blood and pus will come from it. (G2) Humiliation of the demon is one of the goals of Imam Ali which is stated in this text: I am a lion and you are a lowly fox foe me / O shameless, You are being captured by me now (p. 179). Therefore, in explaining of this research, it should be said that what is mentioned in the stories of the demons as a punishment for the sins of the demon, that is, the tying of his thumb by Imam, is so that the demon can no longer express himself through his own oppression, and this is what caused the demon to repent and eventually be forgiven. This study examines the issue of similarity of Iranian mythical demons, and it determines the degree of similarity and distinction between mythical demons and demons of religious literature, by examining the types of demons in mythological literature and its similarity with the vicious traits in Islam and how the demon repents after being punished for its work. 

    Conclusion 

    The symbol of the "demon" as a symbol of evil in ancient times continued to live in the Islamic era with changes. This change in the texts of Taziyeh which is related to tying the thumb of the demon is mostly seen in the fact that although the demon is a bad being, he is not an inherent evil and is acquired, and he can be guided and developed by being in the right way. The demon has vices in the pre-creation period, so that his greatest sin is his cruelty and extravagance towards nature. The demon stories in ancient Iran and the taziyeh of "The tying of the demon's thumb by Imam Ali (PBUH)" similarly have considered the reason for the limitation of demons to provide the conditions for human creation. Infinite killing, high aggression and demon's arrogance against God were his most important sins that took away the ability to understand from the demon. Thus the demon had become a disorder for creation. Hence, the demon in the story of tying the thumb is very similar to the ancient demons such as Az, Ishma and Aži dahāka and a number of other demons such as arrogance and idolatry. His way of getting rid of moral vices is similar to the way of getting rid of the demon Az, that is, suffering from hunger, which causes contentment, curbs greed, anger, and oppression, and then, it brings wisdom and reasoning in the evolved existence of the demon.

    Keywords: Daiva, Āz, tying thumbs, Tazieh, Imam Ali}
  • احسان چنگیزی*
    زبان به مانند موجودی زنده در طی زمان، دستخوش تغییر و تحولات می گردد و بررسی ویژگی های آن در صورت کنونی بدون در نظر گرفتن تغییرات درزمانی، پژوهشی ناقص و نارساست. در این مقاله، نقش های معنایی حرف اضافه «از» در زبان های اوستایی، فارسی باستان، فارسی میانه، پارتی، فارسی دری و فارسی امروز، با استفاده از داده های دستور این زبان ها و نیز واژه نامه های هر یک بررسی شده است. «از» در زبان اوستایی و فارسی باستان به صورت ha?a/ha?? آمده و از ریشه hak- به معنی «همراهی کردن» است. در فارسی میانه به صورت az و در پارتی به صورت a? باقی مانده است. در زبان سنسکریت ودایی، این حرف اضافه به صورت sa?? برای دلالت بر نقش معنایی همراهی به کار رفته است، اما در زبان های ایرانی دوره باستان، نشانه ای از کدگذاری نقش معنایی همراهی با ha?a/ha?? در دست نیست. در زبان های اوستایی و فارسی باستان ha?a/ha?? بر نقش های معنایی مختلفی از جمله خاستگاه، جدایی، سبب، روش دلالت داشته است. az و a? در فارسی میانه و پارتی نیز این کارکردها را حفظ کرده و افزون بر آن، نقش های معنایی دیگری مانند ابزار، جنس، مقایسه، و جزء و کل را کدگذاری کرده اند. افزون بر کارکردهای ادوار پیشین، در فارسی دری و فارسی امروز، «از» کدگذاری نقش های معنایی دیگری را بر عهده دارد و در کدگذاری برخی از نقش های معنایی، مانند ابزار و جنس می توان حرف اضافه «با» را جایگزین آن ساخت.
    کلید واژگان: حرف اضافه, از, با, نقش معنایی}
    Ehsan Changizi *
    Language, like a living being, changes through time and studying of its characteristics in its present form without considering diachronic changes is incomplete and insufficient. In this article, the semantic roles of the preposition “’az” in Avestan, Old Persian, Middle Persian, Parthian, Dari Persian and New Persian languages have been studied by using grammatical data in these languages and their glossaries. In Avestan and Old Persian “’az” has appeared in the form of hača/hačā and is derived from the root “hak-”, i.e., “to accompany?”. In Middle Persian and Parthian, it has remained as “az” and “až” respectively. In Vedic Sanskrit, this preposition has been used in the form of “sačā ” to refer to the semantic role of accompaniment. But, in ancient Persian languages, there is no evidence of encoding the semantic role of accompaniment with “hača/hačā”. In Avestan and Old Persian languages, “hača/hačā” has implied different semantic roles like source, separation, cause, method. Also, in Middle Persian and Parthian languages, the functions of “az” and “až” have been preserved while some other semantic roles like instrument, nature, comparison, and part-whole relationship have been encoded. In addition to its functions in previous periods, in Dari and New Persian, “az” has the role of encoding other semantic roles, and in the encoding of some semantic roles like instrument and nature, it could be substituted with the preposition “bâ”
    Keywords: Preposition, ?az, bâ, semantic role}
  • احسان چنگیزی، سپیده عبدالکریمی
    در زبان فارسی امروز، حرف اضافه «از» بر مفاهیم ابزار، روش، سبب، جنس، مالکیت، رابطه کل و جزء، خاستگاه، منشا، مسیر، جدایی، مقایسه و موضوع دلالت دارد. «از» بازمانده حرف اضافه hača در زبان اوستایی و sacā در زبان سنسکریت است. hača / sacā از ریشه sac /hak به معنی «همراهی کردن» بوده و در زبان فارسی میانه و پارتی به صورت az و až به کاررفته است. sacā در زبان سنسکریت بر مفهوم همراهی دلالت داشته و در تحولات زبان های ایرانی، دو مرحله دستوری شدگی را طی کرده است: نخست اسم بدل به حرف اضافه شده و برای دلالت بر همراهی و مفاهیم مشتق از آن به کاررفته است؛ سپس در زبان فارسی، کارکردهای دیگری برعهده گرفته و نقش معنایی خاستگاه و مفاهیم مشتق از آن را نشان داده است. در این مقاله، چندمعنایی «از» با توجه به معنی اصلی آن و با تکیه بر الگوی انتقال مفهومی بررسی شده است.
    کلید واژگان: چندمعنایی, دستوری شدگی, نقش معنایی, از, با}
    Ehsan Changizi, Sepideh Abdolkarimi
    In modern Persian the preposition "az" signifies the concepts instrument, method, cause, nature, possession, part-whole relationship, source, path, separation, comparison and topic. "az" is the remainder of the preposition hača in Avesta and sačā in Sanskrit. This preposition has been taken from the root "sac/hak" meaning accompaniment and has been used in Middle Persian and Parthian as "az" and "až". In Sanskrit sacā has been used to convey accompaniment. This preposition has undergone two levels of grammaticalization over time: in the first step noun has been converted to preposition to mean “accompanied with” and other meanings derived from it, and in the second step it has been used to convey other meanings such as source and other related senses. The present paper is an attempt to investigate the polysemy of "az" based on the conceptual transfer model.
    Keywords: grammaticalization, polysemy, semantic role, az, bâ}
  • غلام حسین الهام
    قانون اساسی جمهوری اسلامی امر به معروف و نهی از منکر را در نظام حقوقی کشور، تکلیفی متقابل میان دولت و ملت برشمرده است. تعیین چگونگی این روابط و جزئیات آن منوط به قانون عادی شده است که تاکنون تصویب نشده است. تلقی عمومی این است که این نهاد تنها در قالب یک قانون معین می تواند، برای مداخله خیرخواهانه در امور یکدیگر ظرفیت سازی کند، حال آنکه ظرفیت این نهاد فراتر از یک قانون معین است بلکه نهادی است که خود مولد و نظام ساز است. امر به معروف و نهی از منکر می تواند نهادهای متعدد فرهنگی، سیاسی و اجتماعی ایجاد کند. در واقع خود، پایه و قاعده این نهادهای مختلف حقوقی و سیاسی و اجتماعی باشد. با استفاده از این نهاد می توان جامعه را در مدار حق و ارزش های صحیح انسانی از آسیب های مختلف اعم از جرایم و انحرافات حفاظت نمود و حتی برخی نهادهای غیرضروری کیفری را الغاء کرد.
    کلید واژگان: امر به معروف, نهی از منکر, سیاست جنایی, قانون اساسی, حکومت اسلامی, حسبه, جهاد}
    Gholam Hossein Elham
    Amre- be- Maroof and Nahie- Az- Monkar is one of the basic foundations in relation to construction of religious values and thus it has always had a superior position in the arguments of Motekallemin and Foghaha. Its importance in the pyramid of Islamic beliefs and thoughts is such that it is said any disrespect to this foundation will amount to detention of all the rules and regulations, values, safety and the proper social system. The constitution of Islamic Republic of Iran has provided this institution as a public mutual duty owed by the government and the nation in the public law system of the state. Determination of the details of these relationships is subject to a statute which is not yet enacted. Generally it is said that thisfoundation can act as a particular statute for a generous intervention in the people’s affairs. Whilst, the capacity of this foundation is much more than a particular statute, since it is per se a system-making foundation and can constitute several cultural, political and social foundations. Also in reliance to its organizing and system-making capacity it can construct social foundations and thus terminate into the basis and foundation of the several above foundations. We can protect the society on the basis of justice and true human dignity from several problems including: crimes and offenses and it can even be used to negate and eliminate some unnecessary criminal foundations.
    Keywords: Amre, be, Maroof, Nahie, Az, Monkar, Criminal policy, Constitution, Islamic government, Hasbe, Jihad}
  • شهرام جلیلیان
    ساسانیان، سازندگان بزرگ شهرها بودند و گستردگی و اهمیت شهرسازی دوره ساسانیان به خوبی در گزارش های تاریخی و جغرافیایی بازتاب یافته است. گزارش های تاریخی همداستانند که شاپور یکم (241-272م.)، در بازگشت از جنگ های پیروزمندانه اش با امپراتوری روم، اسیران و کوچ یافتگان انطاکیه را در شهری تازه بنیاد به نام «وه از اندیو شاپور»(شهر شاپور بهتر از انطاکیه)، در سرزمین خوزستان جای داد. شاپور در متن فارسی میانه سنگ نوشته خود روی دیوار ساختمان کعبه زردشت، این شهر را «وهی انتیوک شهپوهری» خوانده، اما در متن یونانی همان سنگ نوشته، نام شهر «گوی آنتیوخ سابور» نوشته شده؛ یعنی در این سنگ نوشته، همچون نام های دیگری که با «و» ایرانی آغاز می شوند، «گ» را به جای «و» آورده اند. در متن های تاریخی و جغرافیایی دوره اسلامی، این شهر «وه از اندیو شاپور»، «گندیشاپور»، «جندیسابور»، و یا «جندیشاپور» خوانده شده است. چون واژه فارسی میانه «گند» به معنای «سپاه» بوده، و در زبان عربی هم «جند»، کاملا هم معنای خود واژه گند می باشد، به اشتباه پنداشته شده که «گندیشاپور/ جندیشابور» به معنای «اردوگاه شاپور» بوده است، اما در حقیقت، جندیشاپور ریخت عربی شده تلفظ یونانی الاصل نام این شهر است، و هیچ رابطه ای با واژه گند/ جند به معنای سپاه یا اردوگاه جنگی ندارد. اگرچه گزارش های تاریخی همگی از ساخت جندیشاپور در دوره شاپور یکم و پیوند واژه جندیشاپور با نام وی سخن می گویند و کاوش های باستان شناختی در تپه های جنوب دهکده شاه آباد در چهارده کیلومتری جنوب شرقی دزفول که احتمالا جای شهر جندیشاپور می باشد، نشان می دهند که جندیشاپور از شهرهای تازه بنیاد دوره ساسانیان بوده و هیچ چیزی از دوره پیش از ساسانیان به دست نیامده است، پاره ای از پژوهندگان خیالبافانه عقیده دارند که تاریخ شهر جندیشاپور به دوره های پیش از تاریخ! بازمی گردد، و جندیشاپور ریخت دگرگون شده واژه هندی «جنتاشاپیرتا»، به معنای «باغ زیبا و دلگشا» یا «شهر زیبا و فریبنده» می باشد! در این جستار کوشش خواهد شد با اشاره ای به چگونگی پیدایش شهر جندیشاپور، و مطالعه دیدگاه های گوناگون درباره معنا و مفهوم نامواژه جندیشاپور، معنای واقعی این نام به دست داده شود.
    کلید واژگان: ساسانیان, شاپور یکم, انطاکیه, وه از اندیو شاپور, گندیشاپور}
    Dr. Shahram Jalilian
    Sasanians were the great builders of cities and the extension and importance of building cities in Sasanian epoch were reflected in historical and geographical texts. Based on historical accounts, Šāpur I (241-272 A.D), returning from his victorious battles against the Roman empire, settled the captives and deportees of Antioch in Xuzestan in a new built city called “Weh-Az-Andiōk-Šābuhr” which means “Šāpur’s city better than Antioch”. On his inscription on the Ka’be-ye Zardosht, Šāpur called this city “why-’ndywk-Šhypwhr-y”(Weh-Az-Andiōk-Šābuhr), but in the Greek text of that inscription it was written as “Gove-Antioch-Sābur”, which like other names that begin with Iranian “w”, this “w” is replaced by “g”. In Islamic historical and geographical texts this city is called “Weh-Az-Andiō-Šāpur”, “Andiō Šāpur”, “Gondē Šāpur”, “Jondē Sābur”, or “Jondē Šāpur”. The meaning of the word “Gund” in middle Persian was “army” and in Arabic language “Jund” has the same meaning as “Gund”, so it was erroneously assumed that the meaning of Gondē Šāpur /Jondē Šāpur was “Šāpur’s military fortress”. In fact Jondē Šāpur, is the Arabicized form of the Greek pronunciation of the name of this city and is not related to “Gund” and “Jund” that means “army” or “military fortress”. Although all historical accounts show that Jondē Šāpur was built in the reign of Šāpur I and show that its name is related to the name of Šāpur I, and archeological excavations in the hills of south of Šāhābād, a village situated 14 km southeast of Dezful, that must have been the site of the Sasanian Jondē Šāpur, reveal that Jondē Šāpur was a new built city in Sasanian era and there is no evidence to related it to pre-Sasanian era, but some researchers erroneously believe that Jondē Šāpur dates from prehistoric periods and the word Jondē Šāpur is the changed form of the Indian word “Gentāšāpirtā” which means “beautiful garden” or “beautiful city”! Studying the history of Jondē Šāpur different views about the meaning of the word Jondē Šāpur, this paper aims at giving the true meaning of this word.
    Keywords: Sasanians, Šāpur I, Antioch, Weh, Az, Andiōk, Šābuhr, Gondē Šāpur}
  • ارسلان گلفام، مصطفی عاصی، فردوس آقاگل زاده، فاطمه یوسفی راد
    در این پژوهش در بر آنیم که نشان دهیم روش متعارف کتاب های دستور زبان فارسی در ارائه معانی حروف اضافه زبان فارسی، تنها محدود به فهرست کردن کاربردهای آنهاست بدون آن که از ارتباط میان آن ها و برانگیختگی معانی گفتگویی به میان آید. این پژوهش روش کفایت مندتر را معرفی می کند که بر پایه یک شبکه معنایی مبتنی بر شباهت های خانوادگی نوع نخست محور شکل گرفته است و روابط مفهومی میان این معانی را نیز ظاهر می سازد. در نتیجه این تصور را که معانی حروف اضافه کاملا دلبخواهی هستند، رد می کند.
    کلید واژگان: معناشناسی شناختی, حروف اضافه مکانی, حرف اضافه (از)}
    Arsalan Golfam, Mostafa Assi, Fatemeh Yousefi Rad
    There is a common practice of presenting a long list of meanings with no mention of the relationship among different meanings of a preposition, as an entry, in traditional Persian grammar books. The present paper argues that such a practice is far from adequate in the case of the preposition /az/, and that the more adequate way is to present a family resemblance semantic network, based on a prototype. The method presented here makes it possible to show the conceptual relations among the senses, and therefore refutes the common assumption that the meanings of prepositions are quite arbitrary.
    Keywords: cognitive semantics, spatial prepositions, Persian preposition, az}
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