جستجوی مقالات مرتبط با کلیدواژه « Orientalism » در نشریات گروه « علوم انسانی »

The current research aims to investigate the post-colonial approach and assess its theoretical possibilities for rethinking and reflecting on Iranian identity in the contemporary era. The present study is qualitative and based on a critical and comparative analysis of the post-colonial theory with an emphasis on identity and the issues that have made Iranian identity problematic. This investigation, which looks at the most important aspects of post-colonial theory, includes some of the important opinions and ideas in the field of contemporary identity in Iran, which can be compared in terms of common concerns. Although Iran is one of the few countries that has not been directly colonized, it is not free from the problems of the colonial era, and in the identification of the recent era, it has faced the same problems that were raised in the post-colonial approach. Considering the multi-layered identity and their always complicated relationship, the important issue in this study is the quality of establishing a relationship between the components of the Iranian identity with each other on the one hand, and at the same time, facing the other in a new situation. Based on the post-colonial approach, redefining the Iranian identity requires a new rethinking of emerging identity requirements, which, on the one hand, requires taking a critical stance towards the dominance of the assumptions of the orientalist discourse and a passive tendency towards it, and on the other hand, must try to avoid the negative pole. In this regard, it is possible to avoid reactive and passive localism. Thus, in the context of the post-colonial era and context, away from the inherent epistemological dualisms, the possibility of establishing a new knowledge system based on the belief that identity is constructed, as well as the so-called hybrid nature of identity, is an important issue of redefining the identity of Iranians in the new era. Such a new rethinking is necessary for active interaction in the current world and for adopting a position beyond historical love and hatred.

The establishment of the Mongol Empire, the largest contiguous empire in history, had a profound impact on the conquered regions and marked the end of a historical era for many of them. Modern studies of the Mongol Empire look at it from conflicting perspectives including history, politics, culture, and the Mongols' impact on the conquered world. Since the study of the Mongol Empire spans three centuries, there are different approaches and methods to examine it. This historiographical study places the research on the Mongol Empire in the historical and political context of the period in which it was written, and articulates the methodological and intellectual developments that have been applied to the historical study of the empire. The findings show that since the first historical works in the 18th century, the main interpretation has been an uncritical narrative of Mongol savagery combined with the idea of the enlightened ruler. The Soviet Marxist historiography of the, 20th century, on the other hand, focused on class relations and Mongol social evolution. After the collapse of the Soviet Union, new works in Britain and America examined global exchange, cultural/economic integration and the emergence of international trade under Mongol rule and rejected the earlier interpretations of Mongol destruction. This historiographical article evaluates and critically formulates the approaches and methods used to study the Mongol Empire over three centuries using a descriptive-analytical approach and a chronological sequence.

to find traces of Qajar-era Iranians in the French Oriental Scientific Society, which is known as the "Asian Society" (La Société Asiatique) in Paris.

Method and Research Design: 

This research is based on the historical research method based on the collection of findings and verification and comparative and analytical comparison of the information of the Asian journal (Le Journal Asiatique) and finding the documents of the relationship between the Asian Society and its Iranian members in the aforementioned journal.

Regardless of the political relations of the Qajar period rulers with European countries and especially France, which were subject to change at different times, the relations of Iranian political rulers and Iranians of culture and literature with the Asian Society of Paris were continuously maintained. This was a sign of the importance of the process of forming institutionalized relationships in the field of new science and knowledge inside and outside of Iran.

The subject of the current research is to examine the opinions of stream scholars regarding the factors of the emergence of the Qur'anic stream in the last two centuries. This research is theoretical and with a descriptive-analytical approach. The purpose of this research is to know the opinions and thoughts of researchers in order to discover the most important factors in the emergence of Quranic texts. It means the factors of emergence, background factors such as colonialism, orientalism and civilizational encounter; And motivating factors such as freedom from colonial rule, answers to doubts and exit from civilizational decline. The fundamental question of this research is that what factors have been effective in the emergence of contemporary Sunni Qur'anists in the last two centuries? Are these factors imposed from outside the Islamic world? Or are there internal factors that have caused the emergence of this movement? ? One of the findings of this research is that the effective factors can be separated into two categories; Background factors that are imposed outside the Islamic world and motivational factors that are affected by background factors.

The purpose of this article is to critically examine two plays, namely Cambises (1569) by Thomas Preston and The Sophy (1641) by John Denham, through the lens of Edward Said’s theoretical framework. These works, although relatively unfamiliar in our country, offer valuable insights into the prevailing political and cultural discourse of Renaissance England, during which the nation's expansionist policies were beginning to form. In line with the prevailing tendencies among writers of their era, Preston and Denham, whether deliberately or indeliberately, practiced Stereotyping and Othering, because their knowledge of the East was neither objective nor direct; it was merely a reproduction of the stereotypical images in previous texts. Through misrepresenting the East and its people, their works became a part of the broader political and cultural discourse of their country, reflecting a thirst for superiority. It is crucial to recognize that such cultural misrepresentations played a significant role in shaping public sentiments, laying the groundwork for expansionism and colonialism. Through a contrapuntal reading of these dramatic works, we can uncover the intricate relationship between cultural artifacts and the underlying power dynamics at play, which provides us with a nuanced understanding of their impact.

The first step of the Russi’s expansionism in the Caucasus was trying to acquire knowledge about this land and its people, which manifested itself in the form of “Orientalism”. Communicating with the ethnicities and Khans of the region, the creation of the Caucasus defense line and its expansion to the south was an important and final step in the conquest of the Caucasus. In order for establishing their sovereignty in the Caucasus and exploiting its natural resources, the Russians set up a new administrative system in the form of the Caucasus administrative- territorial unit. This descriptive-analytical research seeks to answer the question of how the Caucasus administrative-territorial unit was formed in the political geography of Tsarist Russia. The findings show that the process of integrating the Caucasus into the territory of Tsarist Russia was a gradual process in the form of a long-term strategy. This was achieved by combining the scientific achievements of orientalists and the actions of Russian military forces. The establishment of military bases in strategic places and settlement of Christian tribes in these places was very effective in stabilizing and consolidating the defense line of the Caucasus.

Kurdology is a Western institutional discourse that represents Western culture and power. It is a product of the modern era. It emerged at the end of the 18th century and was mostly used at the end of the 19th century and the beginning of the 20th century. Right after the Second World War, it was used in the discourseof Oriental studies. After a period of silence, at the end of the 20th  century, it reappeared in Western universities in the context of Kurdish studies. Kurdology emerged in philology, the writings of Western religious institutions, travelogues, and ethnographic studies. The Kurdish language quickly became the medium of communication between East and West but at the service of Western religious institutions. The term Kurdology first appeared in Kurdish culture in 1913, but until after the 1970s, we have no prominent Kurdish research in this area. In Kurdish sources, Kurdology is seen as a discourse in the service of Kurdish language and culture, which is a mistake due to inexperience and problems with Kurdish vision. Kurdology has always been a Western discourse and has represented a Western view, not Kurdish or Eastern.

From the 19th century until now, facing the West and its civilizational manifestations is the main problem of non-Western intellectuals and elites, especially in the Islamic world. The type and nature of the answer has been one of the determining factors of various discourses in the Islamic world. In this research, focusing on the opinions of Shaygan and Inayat, the question of what role and position the West has had in the Iranian intellectual discourse has been evaluated. The hypothesis of the research is that the West is one of the main problematics that has received critical and multifaceted attention from Shaygan and Enayat, and the approach of both of them has distinct and special aspects despite having many commonalities. The findings indicate that Enayat and Shaygan, in facing the phenomenon of the West, instead of fighting and conflict, emphasize continuous criticism, deep and two-way understanding, and the need to recognize themselves and achieve a desirable level of progress. In the way of looking at the West, according to their common concerns and interests, some aspects of similarity are: the importance of a more realistic understanding of the phenomenon of the West and its legacy; Projecting critical views and awareness of the historical developments and evolution of oneself and others and the need to recognize and preserve one's traditional values and identity; And the points of distinction are: uniformity and stability of thought and moderation of concern in facing the phenomenon of the West in front of the complex thought rotations of the advocates and the transition from antagonism to coexistence and interactionism. The approach of the analytical-comparative article and the method of data collection was documentary and library.

During the last two centuries, particularly in the post-World War II period, many former colonies in the Middle East have gained independence. However, there is a growing gap between countries—dichotomized into different groups in the international system such as Developed or Undeveloped, North or South, First World or Third World, Center or Periphery, West or East, and so on. The Middle East or ‘the Islamic East’ is one of the regions which have been suffering from either drastic backwardness or dependent development. In postcolonial discourse, the epistemological agency of the non-European world is revived and the one-sided narration of westerners about the whole world is not the only source of knowledge. Intellectual and political elites of the newly independent societies as ‘nationalist and anticolonialist subjects’ entered into battle in order to change the subordinate position of these countries in the international order and find ways to overcome the problem of underdevelopment and dependence on the western countries, but these so-called ‘Middle Easterners subjects’ as referred to in this paper were unable to be independent subjects and actually became subjected to the influence of the external forces. Most Middle Eastern intellectual and political elites had to change their attitudes and activities due to eurocentrism, especially in the area of foreign policy and international relations. As the subjects of the Eurocentric international order, they unconsciously cooperated with the forces which intended to maintain the existing international order, despite the fact that they were initially trying to change this superior-subordinate arrangement in protest against its unequal nature.  The so-called subjectivity of  these elites has led  to an even expanding backwardness in many parts of the region.The authors’ main objective is to answer the following research questions:  1. How have the postcolonial discourses, which have originated from the Eurocentric international order been reinforced? 2. Why were the anti-colonial elites of the Middle East ultimately influenced by the Eurocentric view in spite of their initial opposition to eurocentrism? In the research hypothesis, it is argued that the worldview of eurocentrism of the Middle Eastern elites and intellectuals have acted as positive reinforces of the Eurocentrism perspective and orientation in the Middle Eastern countries. To answer these questions, they use the framework of the theories of post-colonialism, and draw conclusions from Spivak's discussions of the subalterns and domination, Edward Said's writings on the subject of Orientalism, and the discourse of the elites of the so-called Islamic East who had struggled to confront the challenge of backwardness of their countries during the 1960-1970 period. The findings of the research showed that even some of the staunchest anti-colonial political elites and intellectuals—in spite of their rebellion against imperial powers and critical views of the Eurocentric attitudes of the westerners—ended up as the subjects of the European-dominated international order. Such results are valuable for understanding the persistent backwardness of countries in the Middle East which are confronted with this challenge in different ways and varying degrees of severity.

In this paper, we attempt to demonstrate that the theoretical framework of "Historical Essentialism" (negation of the West and articulation of oneself as the Western other) used by some Iranian researchers as the basis for the conceptualization of the contrast between the geography of the East against the geography of the West, results in no more than the reproduction of the evil cycle of the duality of "Orientalism" and "Eurocentrism" in civilizational analysis. The fundamental question is how, in the era of Western modernity's domination, can we, as non-Westerners, articulate our own civilization based on our historical and geographical characteristics? The hypothesis of this research is that a non-western subject as a solution cannot assume the role of being "other" of the western modernity's civilizational order in the form of "Historical Essentialism". The essentialist strategy has no solution other than reproducing the same vocabulary of Western academic Orientalism as the historical essence of the East. On the contrary, a non-western subject can form their civilizational order based on the historical and geographical vocabulary of their societies by using a common global heritage that connects them with the western subject, in the form of a "Historical Hybridity". The findings of this article show that the late works of Samuel Eisenstadt about "comparative sociology based on civilizational analysis" is the most applicable theory to investigate this claim. This theory, while acknowledging a shared heritage as "conditions of possibility for civilizational order" in world history, emphasizes pluralistic "articulations of civilizational order" and the absence of a hegemonic civilizational order in world history that could claim "legitimacy. " This paper presents the conceptual framework of "Historical Hybridity " as a replacement for "Historical Essentialism that is presented in Shayegan's "Asia versus the West". The meaning of "Historical Hybridity" is not to express a "unidirectional evolutionary" relationship between Western and non-Western societies, that non-Western societies must necessarily follow the same path as Western societies in the articulation of their social formations; Rather, on the contrary, it seeks a "global history without a center" in which Western and non-Western people could on the basis of a common and hybrid heritage, speak independently based on the historical and geographical singularities of their societies and produce different formations of civilizational order at the level their societies' history. In other words, "Historical Hybridity" is a "unity in diversity. " The method of this article involves the history of ideas or the history of thought based on the comparative sociology approach and data collection method is referring to the original sources of civilizational order theorists.

Le Coran des historiens (The Historian’s Quran) has been published in three large volumes in 2019 in French with the contribution of thirty researchers. The first volume consists of twenty chapters that examine the historical context of the Quran as well as its text and its manuscripts. Chapter fourteenth (The Quran and its Legal Environment) is the only chapter that is related to Islamic law and tries to reconstruct the legal environment of the Quran. A catalogue of legal texts from late antiquity that possibly had intertextuality relationships with the Quranic text has been made. Byzantine, Sasanian, Roman Provincial, Jewish, and Christian law are parts of the legal environment that has been studied in this chapter. The author of this chapter also proposed a new reading of verse 12 of Surah An-Nisa, which has different legal results comparing with those are known in traditional Islamic law. After reviewing the chapter, examples of the application of this historical approach in the framework of traditional Islamic law and Islamic jurisprudence has been presented. Persian translation of the chapter has also been provided

Contrary to the popular belief among Shia Muslims that Shia originated and emerged during the time of Prophet Muhammad, some Orientalists consider Shia as a historical event that occurred after the martyrdom of the Prophet and during the Saqifah incident. Moreover, some believe that Shia was constructed by Iranians in response to Arab Muslim domination over Iran. Another group of Orientalists acknowledges the Arab origins of Shia but believes in the influence of Iranian culture on this religious sect. This study, utilizing Quranic verses, Nahj al-Balagha, narrations, historical evidence, and documents, proves that Shia is an essential part of Islam and its emergence coincides with the third year of the Prophet's mission, in parallel with the proclamation of “Say, there is no god but Allah, you will be successful”. This article critically analyzes and describes the works of some Orientalists.

Post-colonialism is an Interdisciplinary approach that has been developed extensively during recent decades. These studies search and criticize manifestations of discourse of post-colonialism in the era of post-independence specifically in literary as well as cultural products. In this field of study, post-colonial concepts such as Euro-centrism, gender, inferior, the other, racism and Orientalist discourse, are analyzed in two general categories of colonizer and colonized. Based on the post-colonial theories, this article examines the representation of “the other” in the poems of two important poets of the Constitutional period (Mirzadeh Eshqi and Aref Qazvini) and in the light of the post-colonialism discourse,  the research shows how these poets deal with the duality of the discourse of postcolonialism and regain the identity of “self” against western making of “the other”. It is also investigated that in their struggle with colonizers, theses poets are at times influenced by radical nationalistic medievalism which misled them in the modern colonialist goals and has ultimately resulted in the double strengthening of the colonizers, the oppressors and the hegemonic power.

Edward Said's analysis of "Orientalism" critically examines how the East is portrayed in Western art and how this portrayal reinforces the colonial mindset. It goes beyond just distorting the ideology to establish a new political order. Instead, it creates a separate reality of the Orient, distant from the West and objectifies it as a source of Western knowledge. The world exhibition serves as an arena to showcase various Western and Eastern cultures. It juxtaposes logical and imaginary, chronological order, and mythical disorder. The exhibition has been used to shape transcultural and advance Orientalist discourse strategies and expectations of imperialism. The representation and construction of “self” and “others” found an ontological and epistemological relationship with Orientalist alienation. Also, due to the newly acquired strategic position during the first Pahlavi era and the ancient history of the country's science and art, Iran's presence there earned special position in the eyes of Orientalists and the Western knowledge domain. Therefore, it was necessary to depict it by classifying the structure of knowledge and related historiography. In fact, the concepts and political rules of the historical interpretation of Orientalism were derived from Iran's participation in international exhibitions. The goal was to identify a connection between Orientalist ideas and the pavilions' physical, content, and functional aspects. The study found that Iran's pavilions, in particular, reflected Orientalist expectations. They were designed like museums showcasing Iranian art and arranged exotically to appeal to Western audience.

One of the prominent aspects of Afghanistan's contemporary history is the emergence of widespread crises, especially in recent decades, which is the result of numerous internal and mostly external factors. This article aims to investigate the role of orientalist discourse in the production and spread of these crises with a descriptive analytical method combined with interpretation. The results of the research show that Orientalism, often due to its colonial and racist nature, has tried to create all kinds of crises in countries under the influence of the West in order to prepare the context for the exploitation of these countries by the domination system. Of course, some orientalists are exceptions to the rule and have engaged in special activities in these regions with other motives. Orientalists have been the main cause of the crisis in Afghanistan by creating all kinds of crises and fueling conflicts between social groups (ethnic-religious) and political elites. Based on this, it can be said that orientalism is the main cause of creating and expanding the crisis in different cultural, political and social levels and layers in this country.

Martin Lings is one of the few orientalists who converted from Christianity to Islam. One of his most important works is a book titled: Muhammad: His Life Based On the Earliest In this book, he considered the life of the great prophet and presented a relatively comprehensive report in this regard. This book has detailed the biographies of some famous Companions along with their roles and positions. There are many methodological and content based reflections about the book, one of which is the role taken by Ali (A.S) in the most important battles of the Prophetic era. The present research has reviewed this part of the book relying on the historical analysis method of research. The findings of the research clarify that Martin Lings has practically distanced himself from the principles and criteria of historical research due to selecting some reports without logic, not considering all the available evidence and sources, ignoring some reports and overstating other reports, and finally imposing his own assumptions on history. He has consequently presented an imperfect account on the role of Ali (A.S) in these battles.