جستجوی مقالات مرتبط با کلیدواژه « Zoroastrians » در نشریات گروه « علوم انسانی »

The word Magus in Islamic sources refers to Zoroastrians. This word is used in the Holy Quran, hadith sources of Fariqin and many historical documents. This research, with a descriptive-analytical method, deals with the extraction and analysis of Magi in Sunni hadith sources. The text is based on hadiths that were narrated from the Prophet of Islam (PBUH). Among the other infallibles (a.s.), only one hadith from Amir al-Mu'minin Ali (a.s.) and two hadiths from Imam Sadiq (a.s.) have been narrated. The total of hadiths includes various topics, which are collected under six general and three partial titles. Some narrations refer to religious issues, some refer to the customs of Magi, and most of them refer to jurisprudence of Magi. The collected hadiths refer to Zoroastrians, and they do not mention Zoroastrian and his religion. Among the hadith subjects, the titles of shaving the beard and raising the mustache, chess, qadrieh and dualism had the possibility of matching with the themes of Zoroastrian sources, and this comparison was made. Regarding the content of the hadith about shaving the beard and raising the mustache of the Magi, it can be said that no evidence was found in the Zoroastrian sources to strengthen the content of this hadith, although there are some historical documents confirming this action of the Magi.

In the current research, with an explanatory approach, the administrative interaction of the Abbasid caliphate with religious minorities (Christian, Jewish and Zoroastrian) will be investigated, relying on the religious minority officials and their presence in various administrative and political positions. The main goal of the research is to understand the limitations and obstacles on the path of the major religious minorities in the Islamic society, how can the interaction between the Abbasid caliphs and the minorities be justified and what path can be envisioned for this interaction. To explain this issue, the administrative aspect of the presence of religious minorities in the Abbasid caliphate system has been focused on. The current research is based on the descriptive-analytical method. The method of collecting information, according to the logic of historical research, is in the form of a library. In the present research, the ethical aspects of library study, including the authenticity of texts, honesty and trustworthiness, have been observed. The research shows that each of the Abbasid caliphs, based on the political interests and social conditions of his time, began to formulate and implement specific policies and was not necessarily limited to the teachings of the Qur'an and the life of the Messenger of God (PBUH) and the rightly caliphs. Therefore, it can be said that the policies and the manner of interaction of each of the Abbasid caliphs with religious minorities (Christian, Zoroastrian and Jewish) were different according to the religious, social and political interests of the time.

IntroductionConsidering the importance of charity and benevolent acts as one of the most prominent religious-ethical teachings of all religions including Mazdaism, since the Qajar period and following the Persians' decision to improve their conditions, philanthropy and benevolent acts, especially the allocation of endowments, grew significantly among Iranian Zoroastrians to improve the economic, cultural and social status. After creating the possibility for increased social participation in the following years, Mazdaysana followers took extensive measures to improve the cultural and social development of their society. They established and expanded endowments with welfare, health, religious, cultural, and educational functions. In light of this introduction, it is important to note that the primary objective and problem of the present research is to answer the question of what was the role of the endowments of Arbab Rostam Giv in Iran's social and cultural development during the second Pahlavi period.The research background of the present topic shows scattered works, including the booklet "Memorandum for commemorating the philanthropist Rostam Giv" - which mentions the biography of Arbab Rostam Giv - and has a brief review of the scope of his endowments and charitable acts.Hadi Hakimian's article titled "Cultural Developments of Yazd from September 1941 until the coup d'état on August 28, 1953", as well as the book "The reservoirs of Yazd city, an overview of their function and structure" written by Hossein Maserrat, and Elham Malekzadeh and Mahdieh Khani Sanich's article titled "Endowed Reservoirs of Yazd in the Qajar and Pahlavi Periods" are other researches that briefly and case-specifically dealt with the charitable donations of Arbab Rostam Giv and the role of his reservoir in supplying water to Yazd in the 1940s. A descriptive account of Arbab Rostam Giv's endowments is included in Zahra Gholami Badi's thesis entitled "Field Investigation of the Extent of Giving and Endowment among Contemporary Zoroastrians of Iran".Research MethodologyBy using library studies and archival documents in conjunction with historical research on the subject of the article, descriptive-analytical research is performed, using all unpublished works and documents related to Arbab Rostam Giv's endowments to explain their contents. Zoroastrian sources and documents are referenced extensively in this article, including new research, Zoroastrian official bodies, and internal reports of the Zoroastrian Association as well as their other manifestos. Research findingsIn the religion of Mazdysana, there is a lot of emphasis on sharing efforts in the matter of charity and giving. One of the notable examples of philanthropy is "Nahade, Bahar-Dasht, Band-Mal" that Zoroastrian society has tried to preserve and expand this admirable tradition in various periods of history. From the 18th century and under the influence of the developments of the new world and the expansion of Zoroastrians' connections with the Persians of India, the scope of Iranian Zoroastrians' endowments was inclined towards the creation and expansion of welfare-health charitable institutions. Arbab Rostam Giv and his wife, Morvarid Amanat, as one of the influential capitalists of contemporary Zoroastrian society, started to found and expand endowments and form a coherent structure for the preservation and development of these endowments in the 1940s due to not having any children of their own and their desire to do good work and help their people. The geographical scope of Giv endowments included the cities of Yazd, Tehran, Shahi, and Damavand. The scope of his endowment activities included the construction of water reservoirs, the construction and development and support of educational, welfare, health, and treatment centers, community halls, residential complexes for the needy, the construction of Adrian and Darb Mehr, the development of tombs and financial assistance to individuals, institutions, and organizations, and support for publishing and research affairs. The endowments of the Giv family in the field of education, with priority given to the construction of girls' schools over boys, and careful consideration in the naming of these educational units, paid special attention to the commemoration of their families, such as Shapur and Kharman Giv. In this regard, the honoring of scientific luminaries related to Zoroastrian society, such as Arbab Khodabakhsh and Ebrahim Poordawood, also indicates Arbab Rostam's point of view toward honoring the cultural status of influential people in the cultural sphere of Zoroastrian society.Discussion and ConclusionArbab Rostam Giv was among the first people of the Zoroastrian community who, under the influence of extensive interactions with other communities and taking advantage of successful financial and supervisory models, made efforts to organize sustainable charitable activities in the new world order. With this approach, he realized the necessity of creating a charity foundation and a coherent organization to monitor and maintain family endowments, and for this purpose, he established a suitable organization to manage his endowments. The event, which with the regular goals and plans that Arbab Rostam had considered for his endowments if continued, could play a leading role in the social and cultural development of Iranian and non-Iranian society, as well as non-Zoroastrian Iranians. This point is raised by taking into account that there is no detailed report in the written sources regarding the results of the charitable activities of Arbab Rostam Giv and his charity foundation as well as the charitable organization of Giv endowments.It is clear that the profound cultural effects left by the quality of teaching in educational centers were built under the activities of the foundation, which nurtured outstanding people, who became the source of effective actions in the following years of their social, cultural, and political life. Or, as a result of the creation of Zoroastrian homes for the needy, in addition to preserving their human dignity, the family foundations of the needy people affected by the material and spiritual support of these people were preserved. It should also be noted that the content coherence of the religious and cultural activities of Zoroastrians, especially Zoroastrians of Tehran, is dynamic and established under the shadow of the creation of Adrian and other Giv foundation buildings as a place for the establishment and gathering of the Zoroastrian community and the performance of their religious and cultural rituals. In more precise terms, it can be claimed that under the actions of the Giv Charity Foundation and the extent of its endowments among the Zoroastrians, especially the Zoroastrians of Tehran, the vitality and social life of Zoroastrians in the contemporary period took on a different form and by using the facilities of the mentioned endowments, the Zoroastrian community benefited greatly from experienced sustainable development in cultural and social fields.

A large part of the Mazdayasnan's written heritage is the texts of Pazand. Some of the Pahlavi texts that have been transformed into the Avestan script since the 12th century are called Pazand. Pazands were among the first texts that were noticed by Europeans and in the 19th century, valuable studies were conducted around them. But in the 20th century, they were abandoned for various reasons and not much study was done about them.Pazand as the process of changing Pahlavi script to Avesta script is a late and new phenomenon, But the concept of Pazand itself is old and traces of it can be seen in Avesta. The main topic of this article is the transformation of meaning and reference of pazand and pazand writing from ancient times to the 19th century and what and how these developments are in the context of life of Zoroastrian religion in Iran and India.

The present article focuses on one of the private and monumental inscriptions in the Sasanian Pahlavi script and language in India. The Buddhist Kanheri Caves have been located at the suburbs of Mumbai. There exist six inscriptions in cursive Pahlavi script that date back to the 11th century A.D. (1009-1021 A.D.). These inscriptions have been written down by a number of Zoroastrian merchants who travelled to India and visited the caves. They are the earliest evidence proving the presence of Zoroastrian merchants in India. The earliest inscription belongs to 378 Yazdgirdi (1009 A.D.) and the second one belongs to the same year but has been written 45 days after the first one. Both inscriptions bear the same names. The third inscription dates back to 390 Yazdgirdi (1021 A.D.) bearing different names and the fourth one also belongs to 390 Yazdgirdi (1021 A.D.) and bear the name of a visitor. The fifth inscription is illegible and the last one bears the proper name “Ābān Āzargušnasb son of Farrox. It has been mentioned in the third inscription that the Zoroastrians

After the arrival of Islam to Iran, Zoroastrians converted to Islam with different political, social, religious and economic motivations. This research intends to study the effect of Zoroastrian economic motives in converting to Islam by using descriptive-analytical method and benefitting from historical sources. This is a topic that has not been much paid attention by the researchers. The result of this study shows that in the first century AH, in addition to political, social and religious motivations, Zoroastrians converted to Islam due to various economic motives, such as sharing booties (G̲h̲anīmat), receiving a pension from the Court of Atta (Dīwān-iʿaṭāʾ), attainment of government positions, exemption from paying per capita tax (Djizya), and reduction of tribute (Kharāj).

Since textiles are very old in Yazd, this industry is tied not only to the "economy" but also to the "identity" of this city. Therefore, the transformation of the traditional textile industry into a modern textile industry affected the economic and social life of almost all the inhabitants of this city. and All social groups had a role in this process according to their "interpretation" of their advantages and disadvantages and their interests and values. The main question of this research is who were the initial and main "carriers / founders" of the development of the modern textile industry of Yazd (between 1931 and 1963) and on the basis of what "material and ideal interests" did so? And basically, what has been the role of the government and various economic, political and social groups in the development this modern industry. This research is part of historical sociology and is taken from the approach of "social construction of technology" and the research method used is qualitative and descriptive-analytical. The findings of the study indicate that although the Pahlavi government and merchants were the primary and main "carriers / founders" of the modern textile industry in Yazd. But how this industry develops and stabilizes in Yazd is the result of the interaction or conflict of all social groups related to this industry, including politically influential individuals and families, traditional textiles (sharbafan) and industrial workers, clerics and Zoroastrians, and the interaction of their "material and ideal interests"

Some archaeologists claim that Islam is a monopolistic religion, but in ancient Iran, especially the last dynasty of Iran, the Sassanid era, there was freedom and tolerance in the face of opposing religious beliefs. The purpose of this study is to investigate the question: did religious pluralism really exist in Sassanid Iran and, if any, what was their pluralism in that period? The present study is a descriptive-analytical method with interdisciplinary (historical-theological) nature and the research findings show that in the structure of the Sassanid government, especially the clergy in this era due to the domination of Zoroastrian religion and their exclusivism, there not only may be found any case for belief in religious pluralism meant by epistemological or functional pluralism or salvation, but they did not even believe in or adhere to any form of religious behavioral pluralism, and they imposed various social and religious strictures on the followers of other religions.

After the eighth century AD., following the Arab conquest of Iran and the decline of local stability, some the Iranians rose against the Arab rulers. According to some scholars, the purpose of the leaders was to achieve Iranian independence and restore the Zoroastrian religion. If these uprisings were nationally motivated and patriotic, how would the clerics, who were the custodians of the Zoroastrian religion and Iranian culture and customs in the absence of the Shah, react to these uprisings? This study shows that the Iranian movements had more social and economic aspects; their founders and participants were mostly the followers of Zoroastrian sects such as Beh Afridiyeh and Khorramdini (Nomzdakian). They sometimes had eclectic beliefs that their clerics considered heretical and dangerous for the Zoroastrian community. The clerics considered these beliefs as heresy, which destroys Zoroastrian unity and cohesion, so they didn't support and even opposed these movements.

By reviving and strengthening the Zoroastrian religion, the Sassanid government gave it an official-governmental aspect and the Zoroastrian clergy became one of the basic institutions of the Sassanid Empire. Zoroastrian clerics, as guardians of the Zoroastrian religion, were in solidarity with the political and powerful organizations of the country. The present study seeks to examine the influence of the Moghans on the class system of the Sassanid era.

This descriptive and analytical article analyzes the influence of Zoroastrian clerics and the social relations of the Sassanid Iranian society.

Despite the influence of Zoroastrian priests in government affairs and within society, it is not far from the mind that this class had wide authority in all matters during the Sassanid era.

Moghan's thought overshadowed the Zoroastrian religion In fact, Zoroastrian religious thought became Moghan's thought. During this period, social movements took place, which shows that people were looking for better conditions. Following these just relations, Iranian society became fascinated with the idea of ​​equality after the arrival of Islam in Iran. After this period, a stagnation in the body politic.

Zoroastrians of Iran are considered the oldest natives of Iran. After the Arab attack on Iran, they lived in Khorasan for some time and then went to Yazd and Kerman. But some of them moved to India. Qajar period, which coincides with the birth of Zoroastrian-embroidery art (Zartoshti-duzi), Zoroastrians from India, who were mostly cloth merchants, came to Iran and provided a lot of help to Iranian Zoroastrians. As some Indian merchants married Iranian Zoroastrian women and described to their wives about the peacock (a bird that is not native to Iran) and its beauty. Zoroastrian women's mental image of this bird caused various forms of peacocks in Zoroastrian embroidery art. The peacock was very important in the art of the Sasanian era and is reminiscent of the goddess Anahita in Zoroastrianism. Repetition of this pattern symbolically in the clothes of women Zoroastrian artists is a way of reviving their religious thoughts. In this article, an attempt has been made to study the art of Zoroastrian embroidery, which is a native art of Iran, in its birthplace, and to discuss the reasons for the appearance of the peacock motif in this art.

In the vast but arid and semi-desert land of Iran, rain has always been life-giving and effective for the people. Due to this, the goddess of rain “Tištar Yašt” has been left from the ancient times of Iran, Which is highly respected and praised. And the celebration of Tῑrgān, which is held in this period, is a reminder of the importance of the rain god in ancient times. In an ancient village called Sharifābād, which dates back to the eighth century AH. Many Mobeds who lived in this village in the past have played an effective role in guiding the Zoroastrians and Parsees in India. An ancient celebration was held in honor of the Tištrya named Tištarīm with a special ritual. This special ritual of holding Tištarīm has not been reported anywhere else. However, in this village, a festival called Tīr-Māhi is also held, which is similar to the Tῑrgān festival in other places. By collecting field documents related to the two celebrations of Tištarīm and Tīr-Māhi in this village, apart from getting acquainted with these and the way they are held, we seek the answer to this question. Did the people of this village differentiate between these two celebrations “Tištarīm and Tīr-Māhi”? And did they recognize both of them? Considering that these people never mention them alone in the mention of the two gods, Tir and Tishtar, and always refer to them together as "Tir and Tishtar", and during one year, at two different times to celebrate the ritual and that according to the available evidence of active priests and awareness lived in this village, it is believed that these people in the distant past, between the gods of Tir and Tishtar. most of this is the goddess of rain, who has etiquette because of the goddess and the dry land of Yazd, but it should be remembered that in The common chronology there is this Tir that between the days of the month and between the months of the year and arises from the equalization and accompaniment of the name of the day and the month is Tirgan.

The Zoroastrians converted to Islam about four centuries. They needed their conversion to be demonstrated and accepted. This article aims to study the acceptable proofs that historically were presented by Zoroastrian for conversion to Islam. The result shows that even not explicitly mentioned in historical sources; we have a list of actions for proving the conversion: performing some religious rituals and practices such as the shahada (the Muslim declaration of faith), salah (prayers), paying zakat and khums, circumcision, adopting an Arabic name, and even speaking in Arabic; also some modifications in their lifestyle such as a change in the foods, clothing, and occupation.

Health, illness, and therapeutic practices are cultural components, so the meaning of these concepts varies throughout different cultures. There are different ethnic and religious groups in Iran, and this diversity makes the different meanings of these concepts. In this paper, we focused on the Zoroastrians of Yazd using the ethnographic method such as participant observation, interview and documents to understand how they construct health, illness, and therapy concepts. We used the conceptual lens of healing, the sacred phenomena, and cultural symbols to analyze our findings. Our study showed that Zoroastrians believed AngraMainyu create illness in the past but nowadays their belief have changed AngraMainyu has no external truth and is only in the human mind, and if human follow AngraMainyu, illness creat. we can try to follow teachings Zoroaster like wisdom, truth and we can overcome the illness by following them. Zoroastrians also perform ritual curing, herbal curing, and Mantra therapy.

After the overthrow of the Sassanid dynasty and the spread of Islam in Iran, many followers of Zoroaster continued to adhere to their beliefs. One group was Zoroastrians who migrated to other countries, including India, due to tightening restrictions. According to the available sources, after enduring a lot of Trouble and Suffering, First, they went to the island of Hormuz, and after the political pressure of the Arabs and the occupation of Hormoz, they fled to the island of Dave, and finally, after a few years, they emigrated to India. Few sources are available on how they settled in India and their fate after this migration. According to remaining sources, Sanjan, as the first of Zoroastrians in India, played an important role in their history. Based on the available sources, including historical and religious texts of Zoroastrians and contemporary research on Zoroastrians, this study tries to study how the city of Sanjan was formed, its religious status among Zoroastrians and its influence on their political and religious destiny in India. study of historical sources and archaeological data confirms the history of Zoroastrian migration in the early second century AH and the presence of Zoroastrians in India on the same date And shows that the city of Sanjan was probably the first Zoroastrian settlement in India during their early migration. These sources also show that Sanjan had a very important religious status and continued to exist as a Zoroastrian religious center until the Muslim invasion of India and even after that.

In 880 AH, with the arrival of Nariman Houshang, one of the Parsis of India, to Iran and his meeting with the High Priests of Turkabad, a special relationship was established between the Parsis of India and the Zoroastrians of Iran, which lasted for nearly three hundred years. The result is a collection of narrations in Persian, each of them is usually called the bearer of that narration. A considerable number of these narrations  appear in a collection called Narrations of Darab Hormazdyar (Rivāyāt-e Dārāb Hormazdyār). In addition to clarifying the various aspects of the Zoroastrian religion, the narration also expresses the concerns and challenges that Zoroastrian communities in India and Iran have faced. The present study, which is descriptive-analytical research based on the historical research method, relying on the Narrations of  Darab Hormazdyar, seeks to answer thequestion what factors or motives, despite some challenges, caused the beginning and continuation of the relationship between the Parsis of India and the Zoroastrians of Iran in three hundred years. Analyzing the content of these narrations and recognizing the issues and conditions that these two societies faced shows that the beginning of relations between the Parsis and the Zoroastrians of Iran was probably a coincidence and not planned and aimed at gaining religious information from the Zoroastrians of Iran, but there is no doubt that the continuation of such relations is due to a set of religious, social, and economic motives of both societies.

The influence of the Baha'is among a section of the Zoroastrian community in Iran was considered one of the greatest problems of the followers of this religious minority during the Qajar period. In those days, a number of educated Zoroastrian youth, influenced by the lifestyle and teachings of the Parsis or Parsees and the reformist and egalitarian slogans of the emerging so-called Baha'i faith, undertook extensive social and religious reforms within the Iranian Zoroastrian community and formed the Baha'i Zoroastrian community of Iran (Aheba). Using a descriptive-analytical method and focusing on the documents and works of the Zoroastrian and Baha'i communities of Iran, this paper studies the reasons behind the connection between the followers of Zoroastrianism and the so-called Baha'i faith and the consequences of this connection among the Zoroastrian community in Iran. The results indicate that the social pressures on Zoroastrian dissidents and the support of the Parsis and the British for these people, led some Zoroastrians to convert to the emerging so-called Baha'i faith, which led to widespread conflicts among prominent Zoroastrian figures in Iran

The main purpose of this study is to investigate the social factors affecting social trust of Zoroastrians community of Tehran. In this study, different theorists of trust are presented at three levels: micro, middle and macro and at three dimensions; interpersonal trust, generalized trust and institutional trust, and finally the theories of Putnam, Giddens, Coleman, Inglehart, Sztompka, Offe and Johnson have been selected as the theorical framework for the research. The research method in this study is survey, multi-stage cluster sampling and data collection tool is a questionnaire. The population of the study consisted of all Zoroastrians living in Tehran, which is about 7,000 people, according to the Zoroastrian Association of Tehran. The sample size was 191, using Cochran formula and 211 questionnaires were collected for further assurances. The results show that 20/9% of the respondents have a low level, 52/4% have a moderate level and 26/7% have a high level of social trust. In terms of Interpersonal trust, 19/7% were at the low level, 56/7% at the intermediate level and 23/6% at the the high level. In terms of Generalised trust, 13/5% were at the low level, 61/4% at the intermediate level and 25/1% at the the high level. In terms of Institutional trust, 12/9% of the respondents were at the low level, 51/5% at the intermediate level and 35/6% at the the high level. In this study, the relationship between socioeconomic status variables, feeling of social security, life satisfaction, feeling of discrimination and social exclusion with significant social trust and factors of feeling of discrimination and social exclusion were indentified as having the most influence on social trust, but the relationship between the variables of personal characteristics (other than age) with social trust has been rejected. Finally, the variables of feeling of discrimination, social exclusion and age that were inversely correlated with social trust, social trust driving factors and socioeconomic status factors, feeling of security and life satisfaction were indentified as tensile factors of social trust. The results of regression test of this research showed R2 (0/335) that 33/5% of the dependent variable changes are explained by independent variables of this study.

Due to the concerns about cultural, ethnic and religious diversity and the consequences, this study aims to investigate the relationship between religious identity and national identity among Zoroastrians. Religious identity is an important aspect of identity and has a decisive role in acquiring individual identity. Strengthening this dimension of identity can reinforce other aspects of identity and the crisis in this area can cause crisis in other aspects of identity, especially religious identity. This claim is especially relevant in the communities where religion is the fundamental pillar of society. This is a descriptive-analytical study that was done by survey method and questionnaire. The statistical population of this study was Zoroastrians in Yazd and Fars provinces 384 questionnaires were filled in by random sampling. The results of this study show that among the Zoroastrian community, the tendency to religious identity has a significant relationship with the tendency to national identity. Among this society, the correlation between religious identity and cultural-historical and political dimensions of national identity is higher, but despite the significance, the correlation between geographical-social dimensions is low.