جستجوی مقالات مرتبط با کلیدواژه « arms trade » در نشریات گروه « علوم انسانی »

Based on theoretical foundations, the effect of arms trade on defense spending is ambiguous and influenced by various strategic, security and political factors. One of these factors is democracy. In this regard, this paper investigates the threshold effects of arms trade on defense spending in 30 selected countries for the period of 1995 to 2018, using the Panel Smooth Transition Regression (PSTR) model as one of the most prominent regime-switching models. For this purpose, democracy net is used as a transition variable. The linearity test results indicate strongly nonlinear relationship among variables under consideration. Moreover, considering one transition function and one threshold parameter, as a two-regime model, is sufficient to specification of nonlinear relationship among variables. The results indicate that threshold value is 4.75 percent and the estimated slope parameter is 0.61. In the first regime, the arms import has a positive and small effect on defense spending; that after crossing the threshold level and entering the second regime, this positive effect has decreased. Also, arms export has a positive effect on defense spending in the first regime; But after crossing the threshold level, in the second regime, this positive influence changes its sign and becomes negative. Based on other results, after crossing the threshold level of democracy and being in the second regime, the positive effect of the variables of GDP, population, income from natural resources and the conflict index, decrease (while maintaining the sign) and the negative effect of the health spending variable increases. These results show that the level of democracy plays an important role in the effect of the arms trade on defense spending and in general the effect of the variables included in the defense spending function.

The legal regime of military weapons  equipment control refers to the legal stands of states and international organizations on manufacturing, trading, and utilizing weapons. These legal stands can be realized by reviewing the relevant international documents. All of the international documents on the military weapons equipment control seek the common goal of maintaining international peace and security by setting certain regulations to control the production, trade, and use of weapons. However, since there are various theoretical foundations for the military weapons equipment control, international documents differ in the solutions that they offer for this international problem. This study aims to address the views of these theoretical foundations regarding the production, trade, and use of weapons in addition to determining the conflicts in the approaches adopted by the UN and the WTO to the conventional military weapons equipment trade. For this purpose, the authors used a descriptive-analytical method and they also employed a comparison method in some cases. The general research results explained and criticized the existing theoretical foundations for the military weaponry control. The results also emphasized the admirable activity of the UN and the condemnable stand of the WTO with regard to the conventional military weapons equipment trade.

Technical and military cooperation is a unique way of securing the national interests of countries. The arms trade may change the international condition by intensifying the motivations of states and disrupting regional stability. Since the collapse of the Soviet Union, Russia has sought to return to the military arms market in West Asia and the world to compete with the United States' advanced weapons. Russia is the second-largest arms exporter in the world after the United States. The West Asian region has emerged as Moscow's second most important arms market in recent years. With the start of the Arab Spring in 2011 and especially Russia's intervention in the Syrian crisis since 2015, sales of advanced Russian weapons in the region have increased significantly. West Asia is one of the most dangerous regions in the world, with many conflicts that have affected many countries in the region. Israeli officials have expressed concern about the Iranian threat, stressing the ongoing need to maintain a large, technologically advanced army in the environment, which is facing conflict and instability in areas such as Iraq, Yemen, Syria, and Libya. Foreign powers intend to sell high-tech weapons to their local partners. West Asian countries are interested in buying advanced military equipment from major powers, including Russia, to strengthen their defense capabilities, as well as gain international prestige and increase their national strength. Although the United States has imposed an arms embargo on Russia, there is evidence that some West Asian countries are determined to buy military equipment from Russia, such as the S-300, S-400, Sukhoi-35, and Sukhoi-57 systems.

What are the security implications of Russian arms exports to West Asian countries?Research Hypothesis: According to this hypothesis, Russia's arms exports to Iran, Egypt, Syria, and Iraq in recent years have exacerbated the security crisis between Iran and Israel. According to the hypothesis, Russian arms export to Iran, Egypt, Syria, and Iraq in recent years, on one hand, lead to intensification of security dilemma between Iran and Israel and some extent lessen the security dilemma between Syria and Israel, and creating a stable security condition in Iraq. In addition, the arms deal between Egypt and Russia has not changed the balance of power between them and therefore has not created a security problem.Methodology (and theoretical framework if available): The authors have used the security dilemma theory and qualitative research method to answer the main research question according to the available reliable sources.

The findings show that geopolitical considerations, as well as relative benefits of arms sales revenue, are Russia's motivations for entering this large market and despite strong rivals such as the United States and sanctions against Moscow, the arms export market in West Asia are very complex. In this regard, Russia is seeking to increase its political influence in the countries that purchase Russian weapons. Under such circumstances, US allies in the region are increasing their arms purchases from the United States leading to a complex and multifaceted security dilemma in the region. The authors aim to study and analyze military-technical cooperation between Russia and West Asian countries. To better understand the issue, this article first tries to provide an analysis of the world arms condition and Russia's share in this market. The turbulent West Asian market and the presence of Russian weapons in the region are then examined, and finally, the obstacles to Russian military cooperation with the countries of the region are examined.

Until recently, Russia was cautious in using arms exports as political leverage. Now the situation has changed, and the growth of Russia's share of the arms market in West Asia will make the Kremlin’s arms policies even more crucial. Instability in West Asia suggests that the region will remain a major arms market for years to come, helping Russian arms suppliers challenge US dominance. Russian federal law states that strengthening military and political positions abroad is the main goal of Russian military and industrial corporations and that Moscow will undoubtedly use its arms export industry to influence the balance of power in the region. Russia plays a significant role in Syria as a game-changer and has already used its weapons industry strategically. Based on the theory of the security dilemma, the authors of this article conclude that rising defense spending in West Asia raises concerns about the possibility of a regional arms race that would increase tensions in an unstable region. This has a serious impact on the prospects for peace in the region as arms purchases can provoke more fear among countries and ultimately make it harder for them to sit at the negotiating table. Russia's goal in exporting arms to the region is to increase its military and political influence as well as to compete with the United States.

In the twentieth century, with the formation of human groups under the name of insurgent and militant groups, these groups have been bound by many rules of international law on the one hand, and on the other hand, due to the increasing formation of these groups in the world arena, the need to pay attention to non-governmental actors. It attracts attention under the heading of insurgents and militants. In the current international context in which many governments pursue their goals in pursuit of their goals and limit their direct intervention, this has increased their impact on global equations. Preventing organized crime and militant groups from gaining access to weapons significantly reduces their ability to commit international crimes and is itself a form of situational prevention of organized crime and terrorism. The 2013 Arms Trade Treaty is the most comprehensive arms trade document that aims to regulate the conventional arms trade and the role and responsibility of governments. And the commission of international crimes has imposed obligations on its members, including the commitment of governments to cooperate in the implementation of these obligations. The system of responsibility also contains important rules regarding the assistance to governments that violate international law, for which the possibility of raising the issue of international responsibility has been considered.

The international arms trade is considered a strategic and very important trade in the current world because having powerful weapons is always one of the goals of governments and armed and paramilitary groups. This issue itself has led to the emergence of profitable markets for buying and selling weapons. The issue of arms trade has an undeniable relationship with international peace and security, therefore its systematization has been the focus of governments since the 19th century. The 2013 Arms Trade Treaty is the most comprehensive document related to the arms trade, which aims to regulate the conventional arms trade and the role and responsibility of governments. Preventing governments that violate international rules and organized criminal and paramilitary groups from obtaining weapons significantly reduces their ability to commit international crimes and is considered a form of situational prevention of organized and terrorist crimes. This treaty, in order to control the arms trade, to prevent them from diverting to illegal markets and committing international crimes, has imposed obligations on the members, which include the obligation of governments to cooperate in the implementation of these obligations. The responsibility system also contains important rules related to the aid and assistance to governments that violate international law, which has considered the possibility of raising the issue of international responsibility for them.

The present article seeks to answer the question of what are Russia’s goals of developing an arms trade with the West Asian region, and what will be the consequences of this policy for the region? The paper argues that Russia’s goals in this regard can be divided into two economic and geopolitical goals: economic goals specifically include obtaining financial benefits, especially with respect to Russia’s economic losses arisen from West’s sanctions and efforts to compensate for these losses. Geopolitical goals per se can be divided into four categories: efforts to confront US military unilateralism in the region, support for aligned and allied states in West Asia, efforts to revive the bankrupted states, as well as efforts to infiltrate traditional US allies with the aim of weakening the rival’s influence. The consequences of such policy for West Asia are primarily the expanded arms competition in the region and the increased likelihood of proxy wars. However, this trend could potentially become a source of stability for the long-term balance of power between US allies and anti-US states.

Exports and imports include a wide variety of items. One of these items relates to military arms. Given the importance of arms trade in the defense and economic objectives of countries, it is important to examine the factors affecting in order to increase exports and bring imports to the desired level. Researchers believe that the arms trade is a function of economic and political factors. In this regard, in the present study, in format of arms imports and exports functions, the factors affecting them based on data in the period 1992-2015 have explored for 25 selected countries consisting of 19 developed and 6 developing countries including Iran. Fot this purpose, first, the variables affecting arms imports and exports are determined. Then, using econometric methods of combined data for each of the models, these functions are estimated and the role of each of the effective factors is evaluated. The estimation results of the arms imports model showed that the price of arms did not have a significant effect on arms import. Also, the effect of military spending on arms imports was significant for developing countries. Findings indicate a nonlinear relationship between production and arms imports, except for developing countries. Also, estimation of arms exports function showed that exports arms price had no significant effect on exports of these arms. In addition, the findings showed a direct effect of military spending and production on arms exports. Estimates of models for all groups showed that the 9/11 event increased arms trade worldwide significantly.

Israel is a strategic alley of the United States in the Middle East. US-Israeli mutual interests have gone so far as to be expressed in the form of special relations.The United States supports the Zionist regime for a series of political, strategic and cultural reasons. These two countries are deeply concerned about the increase in Iran's missile capabilities and in this regard they have turned to arms trade to weaken and reduce Iran's military capabilities. The present article seeks to clarify common interests of the United States and Israel as determining factors in US-Israeli relations in political, military and security dimensions. Therefore, the key question of the paper is what position does Israel have in US arms policy in the Middle East? The paper assumes that since Iran's long-term missile development and capability poses a two-way strategic threat to the US and Israel, therefore the two countries have been cooperating with the aim of controlling and altering Iran's missile power in pursuit of joint strategic interests and increasing missile deterrence against Iran which will lead to a huge arms race in the region. The present research is based on descriptive-analytic method and will be based on the conceptual framework of special relations.

The military- industrial complexes in the West are accustomed to the benefits of selling advanced weapons to the Arab countries of the Persian Gulf. The western statesmen constantly call Iran a threat to the security of the Arab countries of the Persian Gulf and project a horrifying image of Iran underlining its nuclear program. This leads to the flow of capitals to the accounts of the owners of the western military – industrial complexes. The question here is what is the relation between the iranophobia project and the interests of the western industrial – military complexes in the Persian Gulf? The answer to this question is that the military – security complexes are after maximization of their trade benefits through expansion of their weapons sales to the Persian Gulf countries and intensifying the endless arms races in the region. The methodology in this research is analytical – descriptive and the data are gathered using archival resources.

The arms trade of northern states with southern states is the only one of the fields of international intricate network which relates strong states to poor states and can be understood only in this general text framework. Negative effects of military expenses are evident to all as a barrier against development of the southern states. Not only are northern states responsible for militarism of southern states, but also these southern states causing such problem for some reasons. Today, prosperous arms markets and colonial imposition of this trade on southern states are affected by major global changes and some matters such as collapse of the Soviet, globalization of capitalism, September 11 attacks, terrorism combat pretext, economic crises in northern states and scientific advances, military and arms technology especially in Nano and space areas cause increasing expansion of this profitable trade, militarism and underdevelopment of most southern states.