The Nationalization of the Iranian oil industry Movement is one of the most important events in Iran's history. The proximity and in some cases the presence of the Boyar Ahmadis in oil-rich areas and their military and family ability had caused them concern and attention from the British. were the realization of the national oil movement. In this way, the present study, relying on the descriptive-analytical method, tries to answer the question of what was the main reason for the attention of the opponents and supporters of the national oil movement to Boyer Ahmadi's tribe ؟ What actions and consequences did the supporters and the opponents of the national movement have brought Iran's oil to Boyer Ahmadi's tribe? The findings of the research show that the opponents of the oil nationalization movement under the leadership and guidance of the British have been able to create a gap in the unity of the supporters of the national movement by using their agents and by using different tactics, including the "Toluayan" incident, and the grounds for despair and Disillusionment with Mossadegh's government.

The relation between tribal/ethnic identity and national identity has become a subject of recent studies in Iran. While many consider these identities as mutually conflictual ones, this paper focuses on the mutual operational relations among them and emphasizes that this pattern has been dominant in the post-Islamic period in Iran. The Iranian tribal groups have had remarkable role in many socio-political movements in Iran. Before collapsing in its entirety, Iran’s nomadic tribes were political agents with considerable impact on the country's social and political events. Just as the Iranian Constitutional Revolution divided the tribal forces into the pro- and anti-revolutionary factions, so too the nationalization of the Iranian oil industry witnessed the same political situation among the nomadic tribes. The movement for the nationalization of the oil industry and the 1953 Iranian coup d’état in addition to the political stance taken by the leaders of Iran’s nomadic tribes in reaction to these events are of considerable importance. In the present article, we focus on a case study of Qashqa’i tribal confederacy and investigate the reasons their leaders chose to support the nationalization movement of Mohammad Mosaddegh and fight against the 1953 coup d’état.The main research questions raised in the paper are as follows: 1. What were the political views and positions of Qashqa’i leaders on the nationalization of the oil industry in Iran? 2. What factors influenced the formation of the Qashqa’i leaders’ opinions on this issue and their attitudes towards the nationalization movement in Iran? The research hypothesis is that the Qashqa’i people’s support for Mosaddegh and the nationalization movement rests on three axes: i) a concern about the Pahlavi’s coming back into power and resuming their authoritarianism and the pattern of Reza Shah’s rule; ii) the friendly relations between the Qashqa’i leaders and Dr. Mosaddegh; iii) Qashqa’i leaders believe in the linkage between tribal identity and national identity which led the leaders to prioritize national interest over tribal interest. To answer the research questions and help understand the views of the Qashqa'i leaders towards the historical events culminating in the nationalization of Iran’s oil industry, this paper analyses archival evidence taken from the relevant documents in the National Library and Archives of Iran, specifically the records of communication between Prime Minister Mossadegh and the key Qashqa’i leaders. Furthermore, personal accounts and observations of these leaders as presented in their published autobiographies, memoirs and the interview transcripts in the Iranian Oral History Project are examined.Theoretically, the authors rely on the identity level of analysis and cooperation, rather than on conflict between social and national identities in Iran which had been promoted in the works of the first author. According to Ahmadi’s previous research on the types and degree of influence of the Tribes in Iran’s political activism and struggles, the tribal communities in Iran have been different from the tightly knit cultural or political groups which have habitually been in permanent conflict with the governments. On the contrary, the Iranian tribal groups have had much cultural and religious communality with other Iranians on the national level and have cooperated with different Iranian governments in the past. Iran’s tribal leaders and people have not considered their tribal identity (denoted as social identity in this study) to be in constant conflict with the Iranian national identity. The case of the Qashqa’i tribe and its involvement in the 1951 oil nationalization movement reflect such constructive relations.

Iran’s history is full of political and social events occurted in different periods of time which in fluenced it’s social life. The "Nationalization of Iran’s Oil Industry" is one of the most imporant occurrences in contemporary Iran.
In this essay, the author analyzes the political, social and historical origins and backgrounds of the movemeut, suchas relative political freedoms in domestic politics and opportunities and possibilities in international level deriving from second world waraccording to the author, some causes of the movement’s defeat are: Insufficiency in foreigin policy, absence of unity among political elites, foreigin countries’in fluences and etc.

'Murmurs of the nationalization of oil industry in 1910 were heard at the same time the National Front formed. It was aFront whose gathered forces, each were considered as the representative of a different social group in Iran. From politicians, staffs, young open-minded people to bazaar merchants, all constituted the basis of the National Front and played a significant role in the events related to the nationalization of the oil industry and the coup of the 19th of August 1958. Studying the basic political and social role of market and bazaar merchants in this article is an approach to the recognition of this group`s actions and reactions since such activities reveals this group`s understanding of the ratification of the nationalization of oil industry in that movement. Paying attention to market as one of the bases related to clergymen and religious organization can be affective in understanding the relation between nation and market on the threshold of the nationalization of oil industry. This article aims to show that market was politically and economically responsible for the movement of the nationalization of oil industry and Musaddiq`s premiership; it not only accompanied the political forces but also used its financial and economic help to procure the funds needed for Musaddiq`s cabinet. Bazaar merchants` communal cooperation for the sake of “national authority” and “independence” was of the main goals of the movement. Besides, the fulfillment of the authority of Iran over its resources and national revenue and shortening the hand of foreigners from the internal affairs have been the interpretation of bazaar merchants from the nationalization of oil industry in political and economic aspects. According to the matters expressed in this article, the reaction of market to the nationalization of oil industry is going to be analyzed and investigated.

Khalil Maleki, the intellectual and spiritual leader of Zahmatkeshan-e Mellat-e Iran Party (Nirou-ye Sevom), was also one of the influential figures of contemporary history of Iran. He was one of figures whom theirs’ writings and speeches were always towards the explanation and providing solutions to improve the situation of society. He succeeded to analyze the structure of the nationalization of Iran's oil industry movement with introducing Intellectual and ideological framework and to present solutions to prevent reiteration of movement leaders’ mistakes. He did this job based on a political awareness which was a result of his party activities and his participation in Ideological and Intellectual debates. In this paper authors tried to evaluate the influences of Khalil Maleki theories and political writings in the understanding of Iran political events during the era of the movement of nationalization of Iran's oil industry. This evaluation is based on his accessible works such as his essays in Shahed Newspaper and also notes about him and his Ideas in contemporary figures’ works and published researches about him. The main problem of this paper is to review the political and intellectual approaches of Khalil Maleki, as a figure which has been introduced in many research sources as the owner of ‘Third Force Theory’. Although many works has been written on the Maleki’s Third force (Nirou-ye Sevom), but this paper in a different approach only focused on his political and intellectual viewpoints on the movement of nationalization of Iran's oil industry.

Pupose: Nationalization of Iranian Oil Industry (1950-1952), an important event in the nation's contemporary, eventually led to defeat. This paper explores relations between two influential religious figures of the time, Ayatollah Kashani and Navab Safavi, during the movement (1950-1952). Method/ Research approach: Library resoures and archival material were used to collect data. Actions taken by the two figures were instrument in informing and mobilizing the public. However, their later disagreement about enforcing law of Sharia had significant implications in the defeat of the movment.

Simultaneously with the approval of Dr. Mossadegh's negative balance plan prohibiting concessions to foreigners in the 14th Parliament, the nationalization movement of Iran's oil industry also began, and with the efforts of the representatives of the National Front in the parliament and the rejection of Gass-Golshaian's additional contract, National Oil became national and Mossadegh won. patrol square But the life of this authority was short and with the emergence of separation and discord among the members of the national front, the ground was provided for the intervention of foreign enemies and the overthrow of the national movement. In this article, it has been tried to analyze the failure factors of this movement with a descriptive-analytical approach and to answer the question that what factors caused the failure of the nationalization movement of the oil industry and did not allow it to achieve its goal?Simultaneously with the approval of Dr. Mossadegh's negative balance plan prohibiting concessions to foreigners in the 14th Parliament, the nationalization movement of Iran's oil industry also began, and with the efforts of the representatives of the National Front in the parliament and the rejection of Gass-Golshaian's additional contract, National Oil became national and Mossadegh won. patrol square But the life of this authority was short and with the emergence of separation and discord among the members of the national front, the ground was provided for the intervention of foreign enemies and the overthrow of the national movement. In this article,

With regard to the importance of the movement of nationalization of oil industry in Iran and the special attention given by the authors of the books of modern history to the role played by nationalists in this movement, the present paper tries to expound the role of the religious elements and groups in this great anti-colonial movement. Therefore, the role of Shi’ah religious elements and symbols has been studied by referring to works concerning this issue. The study of these works indicates that the factor of guardianship represented in the guardianship of jurist" and “dissociation from the enemies of and loyalty to the Prophet and his Household”, and such religious symbols as religious rites and ceremonies, jihad and martyrdom-seeking, religious places, reference to the Quranic verses and Imam's traditions cited in religious declarations, meetings and mottos had influential role in this movement.

During the nationalization of the oil industry, political parties and groups were very active in Hamedan. The Tudeh Party was one of the parties operating in the form of associations and a united council of workers and toilers. Opposing the National Movement and Mossadegh's government, the party was often involved with the "Hamadan National Movement Supporters Association." The trade union and the united council of workers and toilers of this party and other party organizations, such as the "House of Peace", played an effective role among the workers of Hamedan factories through their activities in the workers' strikes. The purpose of this article was to analyze the activities of the Tudeh Party and the council among the workers of Hamedan.The present article is based on data extracted from archival documents and library resources. The findings of the study show the activity of the Tudeh Party and the United Council of Workers and toilers of the Hamadan branch in opposition to the national movement, by recruiting workers and holding labor strikes in factories in Hamadan. Thus, for the first time, the labor movement in an organized way raised new trade unions and political-economic demands and created political and security problems for the officials of Hamedan