پژوهشنامه علوم سیاسی
سال سیزدهم شماره 2 (پیاپی 50، بهار 1397)

The article is trying to study the correlation between ideal, myth and power in the ideology of Zoroaster, Mani, and Mazdak. Zoroaster's thoughts led to form Sassanian Empire and the royal movement of Ardeshir Babakan. Mani and Mazdak who appeared as well known figures during the Sassanian period opposed to the empire. They benefited Qobad and Shahpour's support respectively. However, because of the lack of synergistic relationship between utopia and reality in their ideology, they failed and marginalized. On the other hand, there was a synergistic relationship between utopia and reality in Zoroastrianism, so it remained eternal and continued strong during the time. In addition to the disagreements with the Sassanian Empire, Mani and Mazdak's thoughts were in contradiction with Iran’s culture and social values on those days. So they could not last long. Thus, in this paper, we are seeking to answer the question of what connections there are between utopia and reality in the thoughts of Zoroastrianism, Manichaeism, and Mazdakism. Our hypothesis is that the relation between utopia and reality in Zoroastrianism is more synergistic than Manichaeism and Mazdakism. The research applied analytical and descriptive approaches as well as historical studies. For this purpose, a theoretical framework about utopia and reality is firstly presented. Then the conditions necessary for the emergence of utopia in three schools of thought is reviewed. Finally, the connection of this binary concept – utopia and reality – at these schools of thought is tested.

Most of foreign policy studies in the field of foreign policy of Iran have emphasized one of the factors: identity, power or security in shaping foreign policy decisions and behaviors of the Islamic Republic of Iran. Therefore, the present article provides a new theoretical framework to remove existing research gaps. In this framework, the main claim of this paper is that all three factors - identity, power and security – have interactively a decisive role in all Iran's foreign policy decisions, but the type and manner of their relationship through passing of time and in different situations are the result of the considerations and priorities that have been made in foreign policy decision making. The assumption of this article is that none of the concepts of identity, power and security alone form foreign policy, but in different situations, each one can be a source, tool or purpose. Given the above assertion and assumption, the question of this paper is: how the identity, power and security factors have become and continue to shape Iran's foreign policy in different times and situations? The hypothesis of the paper in answering this question is that: Iran's foreign policy is based on constant, simultaneous, and changing interaction of identity, power and security that the type and manner of their relationship depend on the internal belief and political system and international position of the country.

Rancière emphasizes the essential link between politics and aesthetics and seeks the aesthetical aspects of politics and the political aspects of aesthetics in the works and pragmatics that render to distribution of the sensible reconfiguration. By exploring the connection between politics and aesthetics, the article demonstrates the potential of Rancière’s theory for recognition and redefinition of these concepts as the areas of material and symbolic re-configuration to show how reconstruction of a shared world and a specific experience is formed. At present paper, we try to answer this question that how Rancière has achieved a theoretical way between these two areas of science in his researches in politics and aesthetics. According to our hypothesis, Ranciere emphasizes on the pre-condition of the conjunction and interconnectedness of these two spheres in order to create a new form of ‘common sense’. This new form, in consequence, creates a new horizon and enlarges our understanding of the ‘common’ by its redistribution. Therefore, this paper reviewing Rancière’s thoughts in two areas of politics and aesthetics, tries to highlight their connection leading to the redistribution of the sensible.

The appearance of the “Government of Construction” and “Liberal Economic Development and Modification Plan” as well as physical transformation of cities was a turning point in the recent history of Iran. Since 1989, the progress of economic hardware replaced the grand stagnation of 1960s. The economic infrastructures like plants, refineries, harbors, highways … were reconstructed and strengthened, and communicational and educational institutions and recreational - welfare centers appeared across the country. Following these developments or in parallel to these changes, some new demands, values and behaviors have become lifestyles or cultural software. This article is going to corroborate the hypotheses according to which the economic development had a causal role in cultural development and as the culture in old times was resulted from the environment conditions, today the new atmosphere of cities affected from liberal development is that new condition. Almost like what happened at dawn of the modern technical civilization in the West, the new urban facilities, like a new environment, necessitated its appropriate culture software. What Hashemi Rafsanjani, principal planner and director of that plan, called as “an even-tempered and natural development” was, in fact, a cultural and political progress which came gradually out from economic development.

The emergence of critical approaches and revival of normative perspectives in the 1980s 1990s have led to vivid discussions on friendship in international relations which can even gain more momentum by what is called “emotional turn” in social sciences. Yet almost all debates in this regard are inspired by Western history and Euro-centric theories and conceptualizations. In an attempt to introduce non-western ideas and perspectives that may inspire new conceptualization and theorizing in IR, this article seeks to show how Sa’di's work can contribute to present debates about friendship in IR. Although Sa’di, the Iranian poet of the 13th century, is recognized as a non-political moral thinker and the points he raises about friendship are mostly about inter-individual interactions, our reading suggests that his ideas on friendship can contribute to current debates in IR. In his discussion on friendship he sees a variety of friendly relationships. One may find ‘realistic’ instrumental or at least conservative friendship to unilateral forgiveness that may remove hostility. He also emphasizes non-violent relations and tolerance of difference that may have significant implications for international relations. Furthermore the importance of practices and interactions in changing enmity to friendship can be recognized in Sa’di’s work.

This article studies the relationship among ISIS, modernity and State. Various factors affect the creation of socio-political phenomena. Apart from the effect of Islamic fundamentalism on the emergence of ISIS, this paper particularly considers the basic role of Middle Eastern states and the ISIS use of modern facilities. So it tries to answer the question that how have the contemporary Middle Eastern states affected the emergence of ISIS? For this purpose, the article studies modernity, modern state, Middle Eastern states and their effect on the emergence of ISIS. It concludes that there have been no requisites for the full growth of modern state in the Middle East and the region’s states have not completely accepted modernity. Since these states have not had some features of modern state, they have often been quasi-modern states with weaknesses in their performance. Along with the existence of Islamic fundamentalism in the Middle Eastern society, their functions have also had effect in the emergence of such organizations and states. Inappropriate operation of Middle Eastern quasi-modern states in comparison with the western modern states and the nonconformity of some modernization and modern aspects in one hand, and nonexistence of required social conditions for the acceptance of these aspects in the region, inconsistency of these states with their societies as well as lack of attention to the composite structure of the society on the other hand, have been the main factors for ISIS emergence.

Iran's first rank in exporting goods to Afghanistan in the years 2015-2017 is an indicator of improvement in the relations of the two countries. The improvement of economic relations has had positive effects on Tehran-Kabul political ties. But these commercial relations are still having many problems. The present paper using political economy approach and historical studies of the foreign affairs relations of the two countries (1794-2017) seeks to identify the most important political and economic challenges affecting Iran-Afghanistan trade relations in national, regional and world levels (2001-2018). The importance of this paper is representation of recent two and multi-lateral foreign development of Iran and Afghanistan with economic approach. The research results contain several points. First, the economic relations between Iran and Afghanistan from Qajar Period to present have been influenced by governed ideologies of the two countries and the international system. Second, Iran and Afghanistan in post-Taliban arena and in the scene of practice have not yet achieved a common objective and regional political consensus. Third, political instability, administrative corruption, non-economic discourse of parties, and the economy of rentiers in both countries have had negative reflections on trade relations between the two countries. Fourth, the ineffectiveness of regional organizations such as ECO and the influence of regional and trans-regional countries on Afghanistan have negatively affect the economic ties between Tehran and Kabul. But unlike the political-security problems, the present growth of economic transactions between Iran and Afghanistan could bring about common objective and sustainable interests for the two states.