نشریه جستارهای نوین ادبی
سال پنجاهم شماره 4 (پیاپی 199، زمستان 1396)

The study of literary works from the science of psychology is a new method, which can be used to reveal the hidden layers of literary work. Shahnameh is the most important and most authentic mythic, epic, and historical document. The work that has been the product of Iranian's subconscious over the centuries whose stories tend to reinterpret and reproduce meaning over the time. The authors have tried to analyze Kaykavos' character (one of the greatest Kiani's kings in Shahnameh). From a psychological point of view, it is based on the analytical-descriptive method. This article mentions the characteristics of the paranoid disorder based on the most authoritative psychoanalysis book. That is Diagnostic Manual of Psychiatric Disorder (DSM), being compiled by the American Psychiatric Association (APA), the latest version of which has been used. This research is based on the analytical-descriptive method using library studies. Paranoia is a psycho-psychological term, which in essence, refers to a kind of intellectual disturbance or delusions, including pessimism, jealousy, self-esteem, or delusions and injuries. In psychology, it is a technical term that means having beliefs and misconceptions about others. The person has suspicion and mistrust, excessive sensitivity, and emotional responses that are limited. DSM has diagnosed the paranoid states with seven symptoms four of which should at least be observed in people with this disorder. Caring for the behavior of Kaykavos regarding the symptoms of paranoid disorder, five signs of seven signs can be identified.
The first time in the story that refers to the suspicion of Kaykavos, is Siavash's speech about his father's suspicion. In the ensuing events, he shows more of his own suspicions.
One of the obvious cases of this suspicion and falsehood is apparent in his behavior with Siavash. Before the advent of Soodabeh's love to Siavash, Kaykavos repeatedly tested his son. Siavash proved that he is a gentleman and a chaste. However, Kaykavos could not trust Siavash with confidence. Even though he smelled Siavash's dress and he did not find any trace of Soodabe's perfume on it, the suspicion vanished just by testing Siavash throughout the fire.
In this story, despite the fact that there was a big deal and Siavash was accused, Kaykavos was worried about his dignity as he feared that among his wife and son one of them may become a disgrace, thus, no one would merit Kaykavos as a king any more. He thought of his credibility and reputation and was not worried about the psychological and social harm. Even after proving Siavash's innocence, he did not treat Siavash properly. So, Siavash went away with the pretext of going to the war. He got away from his father and his conspirator wife, Soodabeh.
Following Siavash's psychological escape from the king's court towards the battle with Afrasiab, in the first days of the war, destiny made Afrasyab refuse to continue the battle and make a peace with Siavash. The least benefit of this peace was that fewer people would be killed. The enemy retreated with his will, and gave concessions to the Iranians. Therefore, there was no logical reason to continue the war and bloodshed. But Kaykavos strongly opposed reconciliation. Instead of rejoicing such an easy victory, he was worried that he might be insulted. Kaykavos thought they have contracted on peace without consulting with him therefore he thought it was so insulting to his majesty. He was also strongly influenced by his thoughts. In the attack to Mazandaran, the sudden decision of the thoughtless without any consultation with the elderlies of the court, was a small instance of the same self-serving behaviors. The self-righteousness of the king and the refusal to accept the views of others caused the elders of the court to send a messenger to Zal and tried to dissuade the king from this thought. On the basis of Paranoid disease, Kaykavos not only did not stop attacking to Mazandaran but also humiliated Zal.
This is not the only case that imprudent Kaykavos did not realize the goodwill of others. He was captured in the Hamavaran because he was disobedient and highly relied on his own interpretation of events. This caused him not to pay any attention to Soodabeh's words which warned him of his father's pobable conspiracy.
People with a paranoid disorder do not tolerate abuse or humiliation and react strongly to it. They are not able to forgive others outrage. Little outrage create a lot of hostility and the disgusting feelings continue in them for a long time. In the aftermath of Rustam's delay to come to Kaykavos' court, Kaykavos considered Rustam to insult him. He was very angry. The anger was so much that despised Rustam and ordered him to depose. Excessive anger showed severe anxiety and uncontrollable agitation. He was terribly angry with Rustam who had saved his life three times. Rustam was such a person who was always ready to sacrifice himself for the king, but he never owe him.
The storytellers of Shahnameh have cited Sohrab's story after showing the peak of Rustam's loyalty and reverence to save Kaykavos life. This picture of Rustam is to see Kaykavos' unpleasant behavior in dealing with the problem of Rustam and the death of his child. Kaykavos did not give Rustam Nushdaro on the basis of the suspicion that he had at the most sensitive moments. He caught her into the tribulation of her child's death. He was seduced by the fact that Rustam, under the backing of Sohrab, wanted to take kingdom over from him. His disturbing words showed that he is doubtful about loyalty of Rustam and is pessimistic about him. He blamed Rustam for Siavash's peace. Not only wasn't Kaykavos grateful to him, but also he blamed him. Kaykavos thought Rustam persuaded Syavash to agree on peace with afrasyab. He accused Rustam that he thinks only about wealth and assets and this pessimistic view can express the inner doubt of the king against Rustam. Kaykavos is the son of Kayghobad. He is a great king in the Shahnameh. His characteristic is not similar to his father's. He was under the influence of id. He was suspicious as he thought that others want to injure him. He was hesitant and suspicious and thought his friends are not loyal and reliable, thus, he withdrew from Siavash's peace. These show that he was suffering from a paranoid disorder.

Allegorical story in expressing the concepts of Manichaeism has been long and widely used. Manichaeism had used the power of influence and explanation in this form of expression from the old time. Reminding so much allegorical stories in Manichean writings and specially in Mani’s writings attribute its origin to Mani.
Many of Manichaean’s ancient parables and stories (often with moral themes) have over time become fun fictions in Persian literature. Researchers specially have already suggested some theories about Manichean aspects of Kalila and Dimne’s fictions. In addition to Kalila and Dimne, Marzbanname has also the Manichaean tonality in its stories. However, there has been no single studies about Manichaean ideas in Marzbanname.
Marzbanname, especially in the two chapters of “the story of ungulate devil and religious man” and “the story of Ardeshir king and wise Mehran beh” has been influenced by Manichean writings and beliefs. This study investigate the influence of the first story by Manichaean beliefs. This study is based on the text analysis method and the information gathering will be done using the library method. This research attempts to answers the following questions. Can we consider the characters in the story of “The ungulate devil and religious man” as the historical? Who are the ungulate devil and religious man in reality? Why did Manichaean hide the historical events in the allegorical story mode? The present study investigates the available theories to illustrate steganography within this chapter. Mohammad Moein (1945), Sirous Shamisa (1982) and Mohsen Farzaneh (1988) are the scholars who have tried to read the hidden lines of this text. Among these, it seems that Mohsen Farzaneh (1988) has been the key to the disclosing of this allegory by linking this text to the scene of killing Manni.
There are several evidence supporting the theory of Mani’s presence in the story of “The ungulate devil and religious man” in Marzbanname. First, like Mani’s documents, the land where the religious man emerges is explicitly mentioned as Babylon. Secondly, the text of the Marzbanname implicitly implies the prophetic claim of a religious man. Thirdly, the invitation of a religious man in Marzbanname is clearly a comprehensive and universal message which is the same as Mani who also introduced his mission as a global one.
Fourth, the emphasis on knowledge and its importance is the essence of the story of “The ungulate devil and religious man’’. In this story, the struggle between the two main characters and their rivalry is based on the predominance of knowledge and wisdom. Knowledge and wisdom are considered to be the most important attributes of the Manichaean cult (Ismail Poor, 2002, p. 23). Mani considered knowledge and wisdom as a condition of salvation, preferred wisdom, and knowledge to faith and tradition. Fifth, the ungulate devil excerpts confirm this hypothesis that in the ungulate devil, the king of darkness is a combination of different beings which bears similarities between him and The ungulate devil in Marzbaname. Sixth, the similarity of elements from Mani’s beliefs about world creiation and this story.
The description of the battle between darkness and brightness has provided a vast amount of mythology of creation in Manichaean works which is unlike the story posed in Marzbanname. This myth and its triple periods are depicted in a very detailed and complex account (which makes it difficult to understand) in manic writings. Seventh, the recommendation for worldly life and the disregard for the worldly enjoyment, and the consultation for peace and tranquility is important in “The ungulate devil and religious man” story. This discussion is also about Malek Ardeshir and Danaye Mehran beh, and a description of the way of life and the well-known worldview of Mehran which is completely reminiscent of Mani's ideas. Avoiding the furnishing and the injury of the world were the main teachings of the Manichaean creed. The allegorical story of The ungulate devil and religious man in Marzbanname is in contrast to his simple and entertaining form which contains incredible hidden truths. The careful examination of the hidden layers of this parable represents the multi-thousand-year history of this work, thus naturally, due to this prolongation, it carries the effects of historical evolution.
The historical study carried out in this article showed that there are interesting historical and intrinsic citations available to prove the relationship between Manichaeism and the story of The ungulate devil and religious man.
The existence of a serious rivalry between Mani and Kertier (the cause of the destruction of Manichean) in creating a religious system in Sassanid government, the debate between Mani and Kertier, which has been mentioned in Manichaean texts, the similarity of the religious man and man who emerged from Babylon , the Manichaean's beliefs about the mythical existence in the world of darkness Such as the ungulate devil, are numerous evidences in this regard.
The final outcome of this research is the demonstration of similarity between the religious man and Mani and between the ungulate devil and Kertier (the Zorostrian priest in Sasanian period and the Manichaean’s slaughter and destruction) according to the historical documents and the endemic textual facts.
According to this investigation, it is possible that Manichaeans, because of their destructive conditions after Mani’s death, have change the Zoroastrian debate between Akht and Yusht to hide their history about Mani’s murder in it.
riptive analysis method by using library
research and studying
riptive analysis method by using library
research and studying

Due to the great importance of the national aspect of the Shahnameh that makes it an instrument to introduce the national identities and idealistic history combined with the interesting narration of the storytellers and the conveyors of national epics, the real history is forgotten little by little or is under the influence of the narration. From the very beginning, it was of great importance and interest to the scholars to compare epic and legendary characters with Semitic Non-Iranian individuals. With the formation of new sciences such as archeology, new discoveries, and the rise of printing industry and translation, especially after the establishment of Dar ul Funan and the introduction of kings such as Cyrus the Great, Darius, and Ardashir et al. history writers again began to find capabilities between epic characters and real individuals. One starting point of this issue, was Mirza Agha-Khan-e Kermani who lived in Turkey during the reign of Nasser al-Din Shah Qajar. He started composing Nam-e-Bastan after being prisoned by the government of Trabzon. In this book, using the translated Greek documents, the poet believes completely in the epical characters as the real historical characters along with an ambitious viewpoint and the historical understanding. This study is based on the analytical and descriptive methodologies. This research is conducted using library researching and comparative analysis of epic characters of the Shahnameh and the book of Name-Bastan by Mirza Agha-khan Kermani. In this study, the researcher is going to answer the following questions.
What were the viewpoints of the poets about the epic and historical characters?
On what basis did Mirza- Agha khan Kermani searched for the compatibility of epic & historical individuals?
What were the reflections that influenced Mirza Agha- khan to find any compatibility between the historical and epic characters? Analyzing the viewpoints of Iranian and Non-Iranian scholars, three views regarding epopees were encountered. First, those who believe only in the stoical aspect of such characters and know that most of Shahname`s heroes are the same as Persian notions of God, who, by facing epical aspects, become like human beings but they can usually function more than normal humans. Accordingly, the role models upon which the epopees has established, are metamorphic role models in which a folk or nation has believed, based on their ideals and we can only investigate them based on historical aspects that how ideals have been formed rather than finding a real historical reason. Another idea about the epic characters is that half of them are narrative and another half, which refers to Kayanians, are historical ones. Another approach denotes the historic aspects of the epic characters in cover of the fictional elements. Using the new developments and ideas in Iran, which initiated by Fath Ali Shah’s reign and the acquaintance with new civilizations, some people became familiar with translations, manuscripts, and book, which opened a new horizon to them. This group endeavored to invigorate the national history with the existing ideologies in epopees. Mirza Abdol Hossein known as Mirza Agha-Khan, who was born and educated in the city of Kerman, departed Kerman to Isfahan due to some disputes with Nasser-o-Doleh, the local ruler, and after a while he moved to Tehran, while the next residency of this intellectual and liberal man was Turkey, where in company with other Iranian comrades especially Seyed Jamaledin Asad Abadi, he attended a Ten-member council, looking forward to the Islamic nations unity plan. After Nasser al-Din Shah’s assassination and the exposure of some clues connecting this group to Mirza Reza Kermani and after the compromise between Iran and Ottoman, Agha Khan and two of his closest friends surrendered to Mohammad Ali Shah, who was the crown prince of the time who with the utmost brutality ordered them to be beheaded and skinned their head filling them with straw and sending them to Tehran.
Many publications and compilations have been assigned to him. One of the most precious of which is Name-y-e Bastan that versifies one historical era of ancient Iran in the format and meter of Ferdowsi’s Shahnameh following Toos nobleman.
Agha Khan has composed Name-y-e Bastan in eleven dynasties, including the true history of ancient Iran, benefiting from the antiquities and old scripts discovered by the archeologists.
Abadian, 2. Ajamian( or Jamshidian) 3. Babushkin or Zahhakyan or Babylon Nimrodian 4. Abtin and Fereydoun and descendants 5. Pahlevani age such as Sam and Gershasp, Nariman, Rustam 6. Akminian 7. Median or Mede 8. The Persian Empires like Cyrus 9. Salafikian or Selukian 10. Parthians 11. Sassanid.
Before dealing with the main topics from the aforementioned dynasties, it first begins with veneration of God, goddess, and angels, concerning Dark Age, the disappearance of Iran history, mentioning the historian’s mistakes, the motive for versifying the book and the veneration of the nation of Ariana or the Aryans. Then, it goes through the aforementioned dynasties matching the names of people and places of Shahnameh. According to Agha Khan, there is not much information about Coldoman other than a person in the name of Abad, who was the chief whom the Coldoman called Abt and Yapt. In the History of the Prophets and Kings, Yaft is known as Noah’s son. Ajamian
The poet believed that Ajamians are the same as Ajams or the children of Jam. According to the poet, the history of sultans of this class has completely been disappeared, and what is known in the story of the storytellers cannot be trusted. Zahakyan or Chaldanian
Zahak, according to the poet, "this class is believed to be the same among Babylonians and Chaldeans, and they are collectively referred to as the clans of the Umayqis, the Rā'is, who invaded Egypt, Babylonia, Ottoman, and Iran three thousand years before the immigration, and these countries rulled them for many years. It was until the time of the Bolus and Ninus, who drove them from Ahtria, Babylonia and Iran, and the Aturian kingdom was re-formed.” According to the poet, the reason of calling Coldomans the Dragons is because they wore dresses in the form of a snake on their shoulders. He does not know Zohak as the name of a particular person, but it is changed to Azedhak that is Azedhanan who were named as the name of a greed. Abtin and Fereydun and his Children
Fereydun formed a government that is called the Abtinion. The first of these dynasty is Fereydun ibne Ashkanian, which is the second Zartosht, since in Pars, the crypt of Fereydun and Zartosht position are considered one (Agha Khan 2015, p. 20). The reason to be called a prophet is that according to the ancient works he is the tenth prophet and some have called him Okashrach. The poet goes on to say that he expelled Kadanian from Iran, extinguished the Nemertea of Babel, and made friends with the rulers of Asurieh and the daughter of Asur, first Panipal took the King of Asurieh as a spouse. Assir is the same as Assur. Age of Pahlevanian
The poet says that Sam is one of the descenders of Manuchehr. From the poet`s point of view, Zal, Za and Zavareh are the same person who is the ruler of Sistan persevering against the indignity of the foreign tribes. After the murder of Fariborz, Siaksar sat down to the throne. According to the poet, Kiarash is compared with Siaxar. The rulers of the Achaemenids or PARS
Dragons or Astiages, made their daughter marry a person in the name of Akminian, Kambuzia or Kavoos, who was the ruler of Pasargadae. Kambozia is the same person as for Cambyses the first. The two historical persons mentioned by the poet can be Cambyses the first, Father of Cyrus and the son of Cyrus who is Cambyses II. The epic character of Kavoos is more compatible with Cambyses II. The name of the daughter of the Dragon was Faramiz or Mandana. Faramiz is the same person as Farangis in Shahnameh. Faramiz gave birth to Cyrus. Farangis in Shahname is the name of the mother of Keikhosrow. Cyrus or Kourosh is compared with Keykhosrow. Despite the diverse dialogues about Shahnameh’s characters and different tribes, there are several theories related to this field. First, is the narrative nature of these characters. Second, their semi-historic and semi-storical nature and, third, their historic characters. Only the third theory was accepted by Agha khan. In expression of Shahnameh’s primary characters, Agha Khan was severely influenced by Desatirian thoughts, but in accordance with other stories, he was helped by archaeological discoveries, Greek and Roman historical works, specially RigVeda and other epics. He presented several hypotheses about Shahnameh’s names.
Using person names instead of the tribes such as Cita tribes that resided next to the Saihoon river which are considered to be referring to Afrasiab son, Shide.
The historic war names in the Shahnameh are supposed as the person names, same as Feroretish the son of Diaeco who was the mad king that Ashoorians killed.
The names of the kings and their sons which are mistakenly introduced in Shahnameh, such as Fariborz who was a king but was introduced in the Shahnameh as the king’s son, supposedly Fariborz is the converted name of Fravart.
If a name was written in two forms, they are considered as two different persons.
Two king with the same name and in the same time are supposed one.
Occasionally, Ferdowsi mentioned king as a king’s son, for example, Toos was a king but has been introduced as the king’s son.
In some instances, names of characters are taken from names of places, for example, Macedonia that is Katayoon and Dariush that is Esfandiar.
Tribes are also occasionally supposed as persons, for example, Lydies whose capital was Sared was referred to as Aolad in Sari during Kavoos’s time in Shahnameh.

The mythological and historical stories of ancient Iran during the Sassanid era were compiled in a book called Khodaynameh. This book had been translated into Arabic and Persian several times during the Islamic period, and most of the writers of the Islamic period used these translations to refer to Iran's history. The plurality of these translations occasioned some confusions in understanding the historical events. On the other hand some historians and writers tried to correct these differences, but these modified texts also have distinct differences in narratives of Iranian history. Hence, one of the cases in which numerous disputes are found in the historical texts are the names and titles of the Sassanid kings that have been mentioned in their books, and how these titles can be used to refer to the sources that they had been used. The following research is based on the analytical-documentary method according to the studies in the names and titles of Sassanid kings in Shahnameh and the historical texts of the third to the seventh centuries AH. The similarities and the differences can be used to understand the sources the authors used. In some cases, the names and titles in Shahnameh are unique as they, have obvious differences with other historical texts. However in some other cases, unlike other texts some of the names and titles are not included in Shahnameh.
These differences and similarities show some important points to understand the sources of the historical books of the Islamic era and specially Shahnameh. Considering the differences and the similarities, this research attempts to answer the following questions: Which books were used as the sources of the historical texts of the third to seventh AH. to refer to the Sassanid king’s titles? And whether Ferdowsi used many books as a source or only one particular book was used as a main source? Before the perfection of the epic poems by Ferdowsi, epic poems may have begun by poets like Masudi Marvazi and developed by Daghighi Toosi. According to the available evidence, Ferdowsi's Shahnameh is probably the ephemeral form of a book that is known as Shahnameh of Abumansouri and this book was a translation of another book, known as Khodaynameh (Xwatāy.nāmag). The researchers using the available evidence attributed the writing of Khodynameh in the period of kingdom of Bahram V to Khosrow Anushirvan, Khosrow Parviz and Yazdgerd III (Tafazzoli, 1998, p. 270). Although the final drafting and finalization of Khodaynameh must have been done in the early Islamic centuries by the Zoroastrian priests in order to narrate the details of the governance of Yazdgerd, it has also explained how Yazdgerd was defeated and killed by a miller in the city of Merv (Khaleghi-Motlagh, 2008, p. 30).
After the Arab domination and their influences in Iran, this book had been translated into Arabic which was named Siyar al-Muluk al-Fors or Siyar al-Muluk. According to the scholars researches, it can be seen that there were nine translations and adaptations of the Khodaynameh (Tafazzoli, 1998, p. 273), and eleven translators and carriers worked on this book (Safa, 2011, p. 69).
At the moment, due to the lack of Pahlavi version of Khodaynameh and also the Arabic and Persian translations, it is difficult to discuss precisely all the features and characteristics of this book; However, if the translators had translated the literary techniques of Khodaynameh into their Arabic and Persian translations as far as possible, the authors of historical books that used them would have taken at least some of the literary, rhetorical and linguistic characteristics of Khodaynameh to their books.
Hence, with careful consideration of Ferdowsi's Shahnameh and the historical texts of the third to the seventh centuries AH. it can be seen that one of the ancient Iranian traditions that had even been used as a literary feature in some books, such as Shahnameh, is the usage of title for the kings of Iran, which is likely to return to the historical and literary tradition of pre-Islamic Iran. According to numerous evidence, it can be said that each of the Iranian mythological and historical kings had a title by which he was recognized. Among these kings, an important part of Iran's history has been dedicated to the Sassanid kings, whose attention to the historical texts of the Islamic era is visible as these kings used title for themselves based on wich the historians tried to point them out. For example, as we know the name Bahram-e Bahramian (Bahram III) was written by Ferdowsi, as Kerman-shah (King of Kerman) (Hamidian, 2015, Vol. 7, p. 213, 2), while all the historians, wrote as Sakan-shah or Sakestan-Shah (King of the Saka), or they thought the composition of Khosrow Parviz in the order, were the name and title of the king, whilst only Ferdowsi in Shahnameh, mentioned the Parviz as a name and Khosrow as title of that king. If Ferdowsi had used multiple sources in Shahnameh, he would have definitely paid attention to the historical books of his current time and in some cases should have referred to the title of Sassanid kings according to the other books. It seems that Khwarazmi and Al-Biruni had found the list of Sassanid kings and their titles in another sources other than of books of Moses Khosravi and Bahram ibn Mardanshah, particularly Al-Biruni about these books had been referred to The History of Prophets and Kings and directly from these two books did not mention anything.
In addition, Dinwari, Tabari, Massoudi, Isfahani and Maghddasi probably paid particular attention to the books of Bahram ibn Mardanshah and Khosravi's books, and their details about the title of Sassanid kings were based on the contents of these two books.
Saalabi and Ibn Balkhi referred to the books of Isfahani and Tabari's History, and their details about the Sassanid kings which are close to these two books. It was said that Saalabi had used Abumansouri's Shahnameh as a source meaning that he had used the same source as Ferdowsi did, however, it had distinct differences regarding the use of some titles.
The author of the Mojmal al-tawarikh tried to use the most authoritative sources. He had been paid special attention to the contents of the books of Moses Khosravi, Bahram ibn Mardanshah, the narration of Isfahani, and Tabari.
The authors of Ferdowsi's sources most probably did not use the books of Moses Khosravi and Bahram ibn Mardanshah. This shows that the Zoroastrian priests had probably preserved the book of Khodaynameh and used it as their major source. This point of view is strengthened by the fact that before the translation of these priests, it can be seen that another Shahnameh which was written in prose by Abu Ali Mohammed ibn Ahmad al-Balkhi, but according to the Al-Biruni’s opinion, this book had been written based on the authentic Arabic book, Siyar al-Muluk. Although it seems that Zoroastrian priests are well acquainted with the Arabic translations of Khodaynameh as, in some cases they refer to the Arabic translation of a title such as Hovie Sonba, which is referred to as Zo al-Aktaf (he who pierces shoulders) in the Shahnameh for Shapur. It should, however, be said that Ferdowsi had used a different source compare to that of the Islamic writers due to the differences in some of the titles. Thus, it is clear that Shahnameh Abumansouri was the major source of Ferdowsi which was already translated from Khodaynameh.

The comedy as a literary genre has always enjoyed a great acceptance in the literature and art due to its public welcome. The concept of comedy and all kinds of techniques relevant to its creation in literature, especially the literature of children and young adults, has been the topic of discussion for several times. One of the great thinkers of this era is Ivan Fonagy (1920-2005), a prominent Hungarian linguist and a psychologist whose ideas in the satire (comedy) field is of great importance due to its distinct and scientific division- which is new in many cases- as well as the all-inclusiveness of this theory, which can be used as a proper and comprehensive criterion in the study of satire in fiction, particularly the literature of children and the young adults. According to Fonagy's theory, satire in the literature of children and young adults includes thirteen components. He himself has repeatedly exploited these components in the examination of some of the world's well-known comic stories of children and adolescents. There is still no independent work on Farhad Hassanzadeh's stories (2002); however, there are two articles regarding the study of comedy in these stories: “Appearance of comedy techniques in the plot structure of stories by Farhad Hassanzadeh written by Safaee and Adhami (2014)” and also “Satire and comic styles in the stories of children and young adults of Farhad Hassanzadeh written by Khodabin et al. (2016).” The writers have mentioned some techniques and cases of the creation of satire in three sets of stories by Hassanzadeh and have provided examples for each. In the present study, the satirical techniques in the works of Hasanzadeh have been identified and investigated using the thirteen criteria of the Fonagy’s theory. The library research method has been used in this study in which the data were analyzed by the descriptive-analytic method using qualitative method. In other words, all the data and information contained in the books of Farhad Hassanzadeh were collected and analyzed by the library method. In this process, necessary information is extracted based on sources including articles, books, and sometimes academic papers using multiple scanning and notes. The theoretical framework of the study is based on Fonagy’s theory. Therefore, first, the thirteen indices of the Fonagy’s theory as well as his other ideas in the field of satire were extracted in order to analyze the comic texts, and then Farhad Hassanzadeh's books were analyzed based on this theory. In a general classification, Fonagy (2001) divides the satire in fiction of children into two main types of deviation from the standard and language games, while considering some components and examples for each. In the current research, taking Fonagy’s views and his classification of satirical methods in the child fiction literature into account, Hassanzadeh's (2004) stories in the field of literature of children and young adults have been criticized and analyzed. The works by Hassanzadeh (2007) which are examined in this paper include Hamshagerdi ceiling newspaper, Volume I (1999) and Volume II (2000), A Melody for Wednesdays (1998), Watermelon with love (1999), Bounced humors (2002), The Pot-headed Monster (2010), and two sets of stories At a time when Thursday and Friday were not yet invented, and A Happy Family’s Grins, as well as comic novels of Hasti (2010) and The Scorpions on the Bambek Ship (2009). In a general view, Fonagy has divided comedy in the fiction literature of the children into two types: deviation from the standard and language games, each of which has instances (Fonagy, 2001, 2002, 1996, 1989).
Deviation from the standard
Fonagy considers the domain of deviation from the standard including instances of short connection, ambiguity in superstructure, strangeness of imagery forms, destruction of speculation, vitalization, and grotesque events, as he believes that a writer who is able to use all or some of these elements skillfully and elegantly, can create humor in the fiction literature of children, with enjoyment lasting for many years in the mind of the child and even the adult (Fonagy, 1998, p.109).
In the meantime, the final sentence of Fonagy is entirely realized in the writing style of Hassanzadeh (2000). Hassanzadeh is one of the writers in the area of children who has been able to attract adult audiences by creating a special style of writing and satire (2002). In all his comic stories, Hassanzadeh (2010) has a strange skill in the creation of a deviation from the standard through all kinds of examples. The deviation from the standard means that the writer performs manipulations in his narration with elegance and skill. This manipulation can involve changing the angle of view and the narration in such a way that the writer enters into a dialogue with the reader or the characters of the story. In other words, he creates a Metanarrative or a short connection, or uses the images and imagery forms with a high degree of prominence and astonishment for the reader in his narration, or elegantly prevents guessing by the audience (Fonagy, 1998, p. 86).
Examples of deviations from the standard are as follows:Short connection: is a kind of angle of view that is the dominant method of narration in the postmodern stories. In this approach, the writer temporarily enters into the story and talks with the heroes and characters of the story or with the readers, and even in the more intense state, also changes the fate of the main characters of the story (Payandeh, 2014, p. 149).
Strangeness of imagery forms: In the book Language in Language, he states that one of the most important characteristics of a strong and creative satirist is his creativity which is strange and pleasant for the reader (Fonagy, 2001, p. 127).
Destruction of speculation: Fonagy divides destruction of speculation into two types: 1. When narrating the story is such that the audience is completely surprised and does not expect it to end in this way (Fonagy, 2001, p. 121). 2. Another type of destruction of speculation occurs in the range of sentences and paragraphs, in which the author uses the sentence or clause in such a way that the words in their axis of association in the middle or the end of the sentence or clause, surprises the audience (Fonagy, 2001, p. 123).
Ambiguity in the superstructure of the sentence: According to Fonagy ambiguity in the sentence superstructure is achieved in two ways. 1. Sometimes, the author, in a sentence or a text, uses words or phrases at the end of the sentences that are not expected by the audience, and it has no cohesion with the axis of association of the sentencse, however this inconsistency and irrelevance makes the audience smile and enjoy (Fonagy, 2001, p. 103). Of course, it should be noted that the purpose of Fonagy from ambiguity here is the ambiguity as the lack of cohesion, astonishment, which results in surprise and not ambiguity in the grammatical sense (Smith, 2009, p. 62).
Vitalization and humanization: This is the common ground for all the satirists around the world. What is happening in humor, especially in satire, is the continuous dismemberment of the boundary between the man and animal (Cracchli, 2005, p. 50).
Grotesque: Grotesque is a kind of comedy that frightens you while making you laugh in such a way that its frightening or repelling aspect controls the laughter (Conneli, 2004, p. 396). Language games
Language game is another effective factor in the creation of satire in children's stories which account for the following types.
Phonetic emphasis: A structure or phrase is phonetically pronounced more prominently than other structures of the sentence, but every phonetic stress does not create comics. Sometimes, a phonetic emphasis can be considered as satiric, in this case, sometimes emphasis is not required, rather it is performed for the sake of ridiculing or sneering, or to mimic someone's speech and dialect, or to portray the sound of certain events through the onomatopoeia (fonagy, 1996, p. 118).
Ambiguity in vocabulary and phrases
Pun
In the following, the frequency of using two methods of deviation from the standard and language games, as well as the frequency of using a variety of components of deviation from the standard in Hassanzadeh's stories (2012) are shown. Regarding the statistical method, it should be mentioned that based on the two general methods of satire, in the five selected stories of Hassanzadeh (2011), all the samples related to these two methods and their examples have been extracted. First, the rate of author's use of each of the two general methods is mentioned in the following, and due to the importance of the first method, i.e. the deviation from the standard, the frequency of the seven most important examples of the method of deviation from the standard was noted:Hassanzadeh has used the method of deviation from standard in the above-mentioned five stories more than the language games for making humor. This indicates that the method of deviation from standard can be considered as his own style of creating humor. It can be observed that among various examples and components of the deviation from the standard, Hassanzadeh has used vitalization and humanization more than anything else, followed by ambiguity in the superstructure of the sentence to create humor. In addition, the components of the strangeness of the imagery forms and the destruction of speculation also have a high frequency in his works. In the two stories “The same purple shoe and A Happy Family’s Grins”, the four components mentioned above and the other components have close frequencies. In the present study, according to the ideas of Fonagy (1996) regarding satire in children's fiction literature, Hassanzadeh's comedy stories in the field of children’s literature were examined. Hassanzadeh (2015) is a satirist who has well used the component of deviation from the standard and types of its examples in his works in an artistic way, and this is the most important factor in his success in the humorous stories. The writers and poets who use just language games such as puns, phonetic stress, and repetition to create satire, do not have much success in creating humor. The mere reliance on the inclusion of samples of one or two instances and the components of deviation from the standard cannot create an effective satire in the children's story. In this study, it has been found that nearly 60% of satire's styles in Hasanzadeh's stories were based on the deviation from the standard and its examples, and the author has used most instances of deviation from the criterion with almost the same rates and this factor has led to the attractiveness of his satire in his stories.

Many books of history, epic, story, love stories, and Persian myths were available during Sasanid era. Following the collapse of the empire, many of these books disappeared throughout the time. Some of them were, nonetheless, translated from the original Pahlavi into Arabic in the earlier years of Islam. Relatively, the unknown Razm-i Gūdarz wa Pīrān is among the latter group. No mention is made of the book – both in its Pahlavi origin and its Arabic rendition, Ḥarb-i Juḍarz wa Pīrān – in the studies on Pahlavi literature and Shāhnāmaʼs-writings in Persia. However, a clear reference made by Abū ʿAbdullāh Aḥmad b. Muḥammad b. Isḥāq b. Ibrāhīm (Ibn Faqīh Hamadānī, a Persian geographer of the 2nd and 3rd centuries AH/8th CE) to the Arabic translation and his presenting a detailed letter of Pīrān to Gūdarz included in the Arabic book are unequivocal evidence of its having a Pahlavi origin. The reference also indicates that the epic was translated during the early years of Islam into Arabic – like many other books written in Pahlavi. Moreover, the sections of Pīrān’s letter to Gūdarz which are extracted from the Arabic translation by Ibn Faqīh, are so similar to the version of the letter versified by Ferdowsi that one may assume that the compilers of Šāh-nāma-ye Abū Manṣūrī had already gone through the Pahlavi text, and that their source for writing the story of ‘Davāzdah roḵ’ (The twelve combats) or Razm-i Gūdarz wa Pīrān was the Pahlavi text. Also, several Shāhnāma manuscripts chose the title Razm-i Gūdarz wa Pīrān instead of ‘Davāzdah roḵ’, which was a great battle fought for taking revenge on Tūrāniāns for Siāvash’s death; it is a likelihood that the original name of the battle was ‘Razm-i Gūdarz wa Pīrān’ which was then renamed to ‘Yāzdah roḵ’ (Eleven combats) or ‘Davāzdah roḵ’ due to the number of Persian and Tūrāniāns worriers involved. Employing a descriptive-analytical method and drawing on the first-hand historical sources – especially Firdawsī’s Shāhnāma – and Shāhnāma studies research, this study tries to show that there was a story Razm-i Gūdarz wa Pīrān (The Combat Between Gūdarz and Pīrān) in Pahlavi literature, and that this epic was translated into Arabic, as was the case with most Pahlavi books in the second and third centuries AH/ as well as the eighth and ninth centuries CE. The compilers of Šāh-nāma-ye Abū Manṣūrī drew on Razm-i Gūdarz wa Pīrān to write the story of a battle known as ‘Davāzdah roḵ’. It is through this version that the Pahlavi story of the combat between Gūdarz Pīrān is introduced into Ferdowsi’s Shāhnāma. Shāhnāmaʼs scholars disagree on the important and complex issues of the source(s) of Ferdowsi’s Shāhnāma. Some believe that the poet drew on other ancient historical sources and epics as well as some oral stories, in addition to his fundamental source – Šāh-nāma-ye Abū Manṣūrī. According to this group of scholars, stories like ‘Bīzhan and Manīja’, ‘Rustam and Isfandīār’, ‘Rustam and Suhrāb’, ‘Rustam and Shaghād’, ‘Akwān-i Dīw’ and ‘Iskandar’s story’, among others, were individual well-known Pahlavi stories which Firdawsī laid his hands on while writing Shāhnāma, contextualizing them in his epic. Others believe that the bard’s sole source was Šāh-nāma-ye Abū Manṣūrī, and that the latter had been compiled, years before Firdawsī, by the compilers of Šāh-nāma-ye Abū Manṣūrī which was amongst the ‘notables of books’ (Khudāwandan-i Kutub). They were translations of Khodāy-Nāmag manuscripts in Pahlavi. The poet, therefore, had access to these stories already complied in Šāh-nāma-ye Abū Manṣūrī. Following the fall of the Sasanid empire, many Pahlavi books disappeared in time and some were rendered into Arabic. The obscure Razm-i Gūdarz wa Pīrān and its Arabic version are amongst these books. The explicit reference by Ibn Faqīh Hamadānī, the second and third century Persian geographer, to the Arabic translation and the letter of Gūdarz to Pīrān ‍‍substantiate the existence of Pahlavi version, which was translated in the second and third centuries AH – like many other books – into Arabic. Moreover, the compilers of Šāh-nāma-ye Abū Manṣūrī had already been familiar with the Pahlavi book and had used it as the source for the story of ‘Davāzdah roḵ’. The Pahlavi story was, therefore, introduced to Shāhnāma through Šāh-nāma-ye Abū Manṣūrī. Also, several Shāhnāma manuscripts chose the title Razm-i Gūdarz wa Pīrān instead of ʻDavāzdah roḵ’, which was a great battle fought for taking revenge on Tūrāniāns for Siāvash’s death. There is a likelihood that the original name of the battle was ‘Razm-i Gūdarz wa Pīrān’ which was then renamed to ‘Yāzdah roḵ’ (Eleven combats) or ʻDavāzdah roḵ’ due to the number of Persian and Tūrānian worriers involved at the end of the war. Scholars who have worked on Pahlavi literature and Shāhnāma-writing tradition in Persia or on the sources of Firdawsī’s Shāhnāma were cognizant of there being a book in original Pahlavi known as Razm-i Gūdarz wa Pīrān (The Combat between Gūdarz and Pīrān) and its Arabic translation, Ḥarb-i Jūdarz wa Pīrān. Also, the clear reference made by the Persian geographer living in the second and third centuries AH/8th CE, Ibn Faqīh Hamadānī, to the Arabic version and his presenting of a section of Pīrān’s detailed letter to Gūdarz can be the evidence of there being a Pahlavi original, and that this epic was translated into Arabic within the second or third centuries, as it was the case with most Pahlavi books. The section under discussion is so consonant with the corresponding story in Shāhnāma that one should assume that the compilers of Šāh-nāma-ye Abū Manṣūrī had already been familiar with the Pahlavi text, which was used as the source of stories, namely ‘Davāzdah roḵ’ or ‘Razm-i Gūdarz wa Pīrān’. Moreover, the battle ‘Davāzdah roḵ’ is renamed into ‘Razm-i Gūdarz wa Pīrān’ – a great battle in taking revenge on Tūrānians for Siāvash’s death – in several Shāhnāma manuscripts. It is likely that the original title of this battle of revenge was ‘Razm’ but it was later changed into ‘Yāzdah roḵ’ or ‘Dawāzdah roḵ’ due to the number of worriers – eleven or twelve – of Persia and Tūrān, fighting each other to the end of the battle. The original and the Arabic versions are missing. Firdawsī’s ample versification of Gūdarz’s and his sons’ bravery in the above-mentioned battle is, however, unequivocal evidence to there being a separate epic in Pahlavi literature – Razm-i Gūdarz wa Pīrān – which recounts Gūdarz’s life and his battles together with his sons against Tūrānians to take revenge on Siāvash’s death as well as Gūdarz’s man-to-man combat with Pīrān – a story rendered into Arabic under the title of Ḥarb-i Jūdarz wa Pīrān.