فصلنامه پژوهش های راهبردی سیاست
پیاپی 27 (زمستان 1397)

The Islamic Republic of Iran Broadcasting, as a government media, is considered to be the country's largest media, which plays a key role in political events, such as elections. This research is aimed at analyzing the process of news policy of IRIB during the election to the Islamic Consultative Assembly of Iran. The research, through interviewing the experts, aggregates the data and analyzes these data through the theme analysis. The results of this research are presented as themes. Themes that can be used to prioritize the input of news stories in this media, the categorization of news feeders, the prioritization of long-term, medium-term, and short-term news lines. They will help improve the level of fair treatment during the elections in this media. The proper application of these themes, especially when revising the news headlines, is worth considering for the upcoming elections.

Political parties in democratic systems are considered as intermediate institutions of democratic regimes by organizing political power, mobilizing popular forces and regulating the relating power. Political parties plays an important role in regulating the reciprocal relations of the ruling powers; the influence of parties in the interactions of the legislative and executive power has created a dramatic changes in the division of the classical powers of contemporary states. On the other hand, political circles sometimes talk about changing the political system of Iran to the parliamentary system or the legislature’s transforming into two parliamentary chambers; on the other hand, the interrelationships between the legislative and executive bodies are faced with deadlocks. One of the requirements for solving such challenges is the existence of parties in the political system; Therefore, this article examines the function of parties in regulating the relations of powers in the United Kingdom, United States and Iran as a  parliamentary, presidential and semi-presidential systems, seeks to identify the disadvantages and advantages of party systems in countries such as the United Kingdom and the United States as party success styles and to explain the challenges of interfering in the interactions of the Iranian state by eliminating the existing shortcomings.

The decision making trend in foreign policy answers how and why a decision is made. Drawing this trend requires the use of an appropriate research method to explain available information and interpret the roles. Despite the limited access to some information on the achievement (Comprehensive Joint Plan of action between Iran with Six World Power), how can we draw the trend of Iran's foreign policy decision-making in this historical event? (Research question and question) This paper aims to introduce the method for the initial drawing of Iran's foreign policy decision making trend by introducing the position of quantitative and qualitative combination of methodology and showing its function and its research merits (research method). The structure of eclectic method in the first phase explains the factors affecting admittance and, in the second stage, provides an understanding of the perception of senior foreign policy decision makers. (The research hypothesis) The author believes that the process of identifying the factors influencing decision making and the way in which those factors are interpreted in the cognitive system of foreign policy decision makers, is the most appropriate method for initiating research on Iran's foreign policy decision making trend. (Results)

Nuclear Dispute of Iran and Countries 5+1 has been one of the most challenging issues in Iran's domestic and foreign policy over the past decade. Using descriptive-analytical method, the purpose of this article is to study of nuclear dispute of Iran and countries 5+1 in the period of 2005- 20015 based on the game theory. The findings of the paper show that two sides of the dispute used the war of extinction game and the edge of the abyss game as conflict games from 2005 to 2011. These games were based on non-cooperation. Due to the failure to achieve goals and becoming more difficult the continuation of these games for players, two sides of the dispute went to the bargain game and prisoner's dilemma game. Also depending on the type of each game at each stage, the time of negotiation rounds was determined so the time of negotiation rounds decreased dramatically.

The State has for centuries been the only actor of the international system. After the end of the Second World War II, theoretical foundations and some practical facts led to the erosion of statehood and the emergence and diversification of new actors in the international arena. New actors recognized in the anti-realist views of international relations including liberalism and its branches and theories such as postmodern and by designing concepts such as global civil society, transnationalism, globalization and soft power, make the changes in the form and nature of international relations. In addition to, some practical realities such as the permeability of state sovereignty and the development of new subjects such as human rights and the environment have accelerated this change. It has been made to highlight the role of sub-state actors in foreign policy. The foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran is also influenced by some actors in different ways. How did these influences occur? After studying the sub-states actors, identify their ways of influence on the foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran through Participation in public diplomacy of the country, The promotion of Iranian-Islamic culture, Humanitarian measures, Normalization, Signing Agreements, and technical-commercial exchanges.

The foundation of public opinion these days is the emergence and decline of the ISIS movement. In this article, along with a charismatic reading of the emergence and decline of ISIS, the special two-sided work of charisma has been considered in terms of its accomplishments, while distinguishing it from its Muslim alternative, the spiritual saintship, the half-darkness of charisma has also been taken into consideration. The dominant approach of the existing articles is the attraction of the Prophet and the spiritual saintship in the Shiite system as a kind of charisma. If we understand the love of the saintship in the Shiite thought of charisma, then we have unwittingly accepted the necessity of the charisma's identity, its decline and its replacement after decades. The theoretical purpose of the article is to study the charisma of the charisma compared to the alternative of the spiritual saintship in the Shiite system, and its strategic goal is to examine the reason for the early decline of ISIS with the reasoning of Max Weber's theorizing, and the practical purpose is to examine the rational possibility of the emergence of an alternative to ISIS. Theoretical result of this paper, the superiority of the spiritual saintship over charisma and its most strategic and strategic finding, is the rational probability of the emergence of a quasi-ISIS movement. The research methodology is an analytical, critical paper, using library resources and the efficiency of Max Weber's theorizing, Kolakovsky and Hannah Arendt.

Turkey's constitutional referendum is a recent era of internal developments in Turkey. With the fragile victory of the Justice and Development Party on April 16, 2017, the study of this referendum and developments regarding the future of democracy in the country can be considered a matter worthy of further study. In this paper, the paper attempts to analyze the constitutional referendum of Turkey by using the theory of elite circulation as a theoretical framework. In this regard, the central question of the article is how does the referendum on the Turkish constitution affect the future of democracy and political stability in Turkey? This paper, based on descriptive and analytical documents, has strengthened the hypothesis that the recent constitution referendum of Turkey has undermined the future of the political system based on the circulation of the elites of the country, and it leads to mediation that competitive environment will be limited to other non-government elites, such as opposition parties, and the future of political stability and democracy in this country will be more fragile than the past, as well as the future of Turkish political and social security, more shaky than before.

If the past to the present, the Middle East can be defined in one word, that word is "instability." Following the current challenges, the opening of relations between the two countries in the Middle East is more significant than other regional alliances: "Israel and Saudi Arabia". The main question is: to what extent Israel and Saudi Arabia have been able to succeed in balancing against Iran? it's assumed that; The factors that keep these two governments together are: concern over Iran's nuclear deal, It also reduced the presence and role of the United States in the region, Reduce the US presence and role in the region, And crises caused by extremism and the civil war in Syria. However, given the challenges of regional and trans-regional actors, the proximity of two governments is not a step towards consolidating a balanced alliance to isolate and confront Iran. Despite the commonalities and causative factors in the normalization of relations between the two countries more than before, According to Randall Schwedler's “Under balancing" theory can be said: The two countries have not been able to form a strong alliance especially against Iran as their common enemy.

Jewish fundamentalism, as a kind of a variety of religious fundamentalism, has its own specifics, while having similarities to other forms of fundamentalism. Different interpretations of religious and historical sources have led to the formation of various forms of Jewish fundamentalism, which, if we want to provide an indicator for categorizing these species, is the best indicator of the "exile" or "return" principle. From the perspective of the fundamentalists that we are in exile or the time of return, we have our own rules and requirements, and on this basis we can mention three fundamental types of fundamentalism: passive fundamentalism, pragmatic fundamentalism, and promised believing fundamentalism. The Jewish fundamentalists, while dividing into different groups, have the same ultimate goals, and the difference between the aforementioned species is a tool, method, and time-space detection. Of course, in addition to the intra-religious components, the alignment or opposition to political movements, the role played by the policies of the Zionist regime, and also the attention to the adoption of pragmatic positions of some of these groups, one can well categorize and why certain positions in different types of fundamentalism Explaining.