نشریه پژوهش های انقلاب اسلامی
پیاپی 28 (بهار 1398)

The purpose of this article is to identify US media tactics in order to counteract with it and mitigate the impact of sanctions on Iran. In this regard, the question raised was, what kinds of media tactics does the United States use to enhance the effectiveness of sanctions on citizens and officials of the Islamic Republic? The findings of the study led us to tactics such as gossip, mental imagery, morale degradation, exaggeration, and so on. The paper concludes that the Western media has, in some cases, made a serious impact on the minds of Iranian audiences and created problems for the government in the economic and sometimes political spheres. Descriptive-analytical method was used for conducting the study.

One of the most important issues about the Islamic Revolution of Iran that have attracted the attention of political scientists is its influence on other countries, especially the Islamic movements, including the Islamic Movement of Hezbollah in Lebanon. The present study uses a library method to analyze the components of the maximum impact of the Islamic Revolution on the movement based on the theory of diffusion. Diffusion theory was first applied to the spread of tuberculosis, cholera, and so on, which later developed its meaning and applied to the dissemination of other issues, including cultural ones. This article, while explaining the theory of diffusion and its influencing factors, has analyzed the impact of the Islamic Revolution on the Lebanese Hezbollah movement based on diffusion theory factors.
The present study concludes that the Islamic Revolution of Iran, among all the free nations of the world and all Muslims and Islamic movements, had the most influence on the Islamic movement in Hezbollah in Lebanon. The implications of this maximization have been analyzed and the most important components are included: the closeness of the majority of the intellectual and ideological foundations of this movement to the foundations, values and ideals of the Islamic Revolution of Iran; and the existence of the most common sides between the foundations of the Islamic Revolution of Iran and the ideological foundations of the Hezbollah movement.

Convergence at the international level is a process of increasing intergovernmental cooperation, a step towards the harmonization of values and the gradual process of transfer of authority to transnational institutions that are important and necessary for the achievement of universal goals and interests. Given that one of the teachings of the Islamic Revolution is the creation of Islamic convergence, the present article seeks to show what opportunities the Islamic Revolution and its teachings have created for the convergence of the Islamic world and what are the possible ways to enhance convergence? The hypothesis of this study, using modern functionalism theory, is that the Islamic Revolution, with its ideological and identity-based magnetisms such as: supporting of the weak nations; supporting of the Islamic movements; the teachings of Islamic unity and values of Islam and humanitarian values; defending the oppressed countries and the Muslim nations, all of them, enabled the Islamic Revolution to create many opportunities in the matter of Islamic world convergence. Iran have taken important steps in this way, such as establishing institutions such as Al-Mustafa International University and the World Assembly for the Approximation of Islamic Religions, with positive achievements. At the same time, there has been some obstacles and limitations at the states’ level, that can be removed by providing solutions such as diplomacy between Islamic countries, enlightening about the role of authoritarian policies and building consensus against unity-braking movements in the Islamic world. In this paper, a descriptive-analytical method is used.

Recently, the supreme leadership in the recent meeting with the Iranian Foreign Minister and Iranian ambassadors has put forward the keyword "ideological diplomacy". Although ideological diplomacy has a long history and countries have used this diplomacy, but the Supreme Leader’s ideological diplomacy is a mix of policy with revelational teachings designed to achieve the goals of the system in all its dimensions. The origin of this supreme statement that "some have argued in favor of the separation of diplomacy from ideology, while ideological diplomacy has no problem, and the induction of being conflict between ideology and national interest is not a reasonable propose; the Islamic Republic’s goal is to protect of national interests, independence, freedom, social justice, power and national security, and ideology seeks to safeguard national interests and constitute the identity of the nation, ”is deduced from the explicit text of the Holy Qur'an “and never will Allah give the disbelievers over the believers a way [to overcome them” (Nisa'a - 141) denies any infidel domination on Muslims. In fact, this diplomacy is also based on some rationality.
So, this research begs the question of whether there is an interaction or contrast between ideological diplomacy and national interests? According to the author, based on the goals and principles of foreign policy and also, based on the four types of rationality: instrumental, ethical, communicative and critical, the ideological diplomacy guaranty and promote the national interests of the Islamic Republic of Iran.

Sociologists consider many factors to be effective in social change. Meanwhile, uninterrupted circulation of the population occurs through the disappearance of older generations and the emergence of new generations in all societies. This issue is of interest to most social science researchers. Phenomena such as "generational differences" or "generational disruption", which are among the factors influencing modern social change, is the result of such process. Certainly, the gap between the previous generation and the new one, creates new demands for the new generation due to: changes in some beliefs and differences in the literature and logic of understanding the phenomena and engaging with the new conditions. Young people are at the turning point of this generational shift. Their efforts to change and develop new ideas and demands, given their diversity and breadth, are manifested in different fields and contexts, and this is why phenomena called "generational difference" was born. Since intergenerational relationships involve social cohesion and national interests, there have been many attempts to recognize this segment of social harm. Successful transition from the conditions of generational transformation depends on the conditions of socialization. Socialization is the most important factor in removing social divisions at a time when generations are clearly changing. If the patterns of previous generations are persuasive for the new generation, generational gaps are tolerable and society does not suffer an identity crisis.
Political systems are the most important source of socialization that try to reduce and tolerate gaps by increasing their capacity to respond to the demands and expectations of the new generation. If disruptions are occurred to the functions of the political system, a rift will occur between generations and an identity crisis will follow. Now the question is what was the role of the post-revolutionary political system in generational relations?

Life expectancy is a measure of determining a person's useful life in average. This criterion indicates that each individual must expect how many years of life at least in the community in which they were born or live. Health care, education, personal attitudes, social freedoms and the presence of the media, mainstream lifestyle, the quantity and quality of psychological and physiological stresses, the amount of allowed recreation and general and social happiness, environmental health and economic conditions can be some of the most important factors affecting the life expectancy index. In this study, the role of knowledge and art of design in each of the mentioned components as factors for achieving maximum life expectancy in Iranian citizens is investigated through library and network study.

The outbreak of the Islamic Revolution in Iran has had a profound effect on the Islamic movements, especially on the Shiite ones. One of the most important is the Yemeni Shiite groups. They held power and ruled the country for more than a thousand years, losing power in 1962 by a coup d’etat that was sponsored by Egypt. Our question: What role did the Islamic Revolution have in the convergence of Islamic movements in the Middle East, especially Shiite Yemeni groups? Using the theory of diffusion as a theoretical framework, we seek to prove this hypothesis: "The Islamic Revolution of Iran has brought more cohesion, unity and revival of Yemeni Shiite groups." They had little participation in Yemeni government affairs and had some sort of political isolation, but after the victory of the Islamic Revolution in Iran and its widespread repercussions in the region, the Yemeni Shiites, especially Shiite groups in northern Yemen, were gradually get rid of many years of isolation. The movements and uprisings that led to the wars that continued from year 2004 to 2010 and finally the Shiite groups were able to revive and renew their power from year 2011.

The cleansing of agents, and especially of the two Pahlavi kings, has been as a historical-media project, the object of the opposition of the Islamic regime and has produced and published a lot with much of this approach. Damage to the historical mentality of the present and future generations, the defusing doubts about the causes of the Islamic Revolution, and the effectiveness of the Islamic Republic, are among the results of the cleansing project in Iran.
Drawing on historical documents, this article explores the broad dimensions of the realization of the cleansing project in the Islamic Republic. While reviewing Imam Khomeini's historical warnings of Pahlavi cleansing and introducing them as Anooshirwan, some prominent historical examples have been briefly criticized. Reproducing the criticism pattern used in this article would largely immune the audiences against the unlike historical materials’ profound and unconscious influences.

The triumph or fiasco of the revolutionary movements largely depends upon the extent of mobilization of the masses in the process of revolutionary struggle. In the victory of the Islamic Revolution of Iran, the masses have played an important role. However, it is not possible to understand the role of the people in the process of revolution without knowing the role and quality of the leadership and how to mobilize the people. This article is a qualitative and documentary analysis that seeks to answer the key question: "How did Imam Khomeini, as the leader of the Islamic Revolution, mobilize the people in the process of revolution?"
As the leader and strategist of the revolution, Imam Khomeini based his campaign program on these pillars: awakening and informing the people; in order to mobilize the people, adopted strategies such as identifying with the people and trusting them; utilized religious literature and traditions to mobilize people politically; emphasized on communication and awareness; humanism and negative resistance and the emphasis on non-violence.

Over the last few years, some great developments have taken place in the Arab world and the aftershocks remain to entice the attention of many revolutionary scholars and analysts. Structuralist theories are among the most significant approaches of scholars in explaining revolutions. Among these theories, social revolution theory is the most famous example of the third generation of revolutionary theories which have been introduced "States and Social Revolutions" by Skocpol. But according to what Skocpol acknowledges, her theory is incapable of explaining the Iranian revolution. The question that arises is, therefore, whether or not Skocpol should change her theory about Iran alone, and her theory has the potential to explain other revolutions in the Muslim world. The purpose of the paper is therefore to "compare the revolutions of Egypt and Tunisia" according to the theory of social revolution. The main question in this article is whether social revolution theory can explain the revolutions of Egypt and Tunisia. The hypothesis of the article is that the theory of social revolution not only has not the ability to explain the Iranian revolution, but it cannot also explain other revolutions in the Islamic world.