تاریخ نامه انقلاب
سال دوم شماره 3 (پاییز و زمستان 1397)

The Islamic Revolution of Iran has presented an appropriate model for the world Muslims, motivating them to take steps toward changing their political status quo. Today, four decades after the victory of Islamic Revolution, the world is observing public uprising and protests in the Middle East and North Africa. This research study intends to find an appropriate response to this question: How has the Islamic Revolution in Iran affected the third wave of Islamic awakening? This study is based on a descriptive-analytical method. It is hypothesized that the establishment of political system based on religion and theocentrism in Iran has served as a model for the regional people to rise against their despotic regimes and to establish the political systems based on Islam. The findings of this research work indicate that the wave of Islamic awakening has targeted the pillars of monarchical and despotic regimes as well as foreign interference in the region. Moreover, the freedom movements across the region have been inspired by the successful experience of the Islamic Revolution

Shushtar, Khuzestan Province, is located in southwest Iran. It has chiefly been the provincial capital of Khuzestan Province during the post-Islamic period until 1924, when Ahvaz became the capital city of this province. During the Pahlavi reign, Shushtar was underdeveloped economically and in Pahlavi II reign, the city was the abode of the exiled dissidents. The dissidents, however, continued their political, social and cultural activities in Shushtar, making the people familiar with the Islamic movement under the clerics. There were distinguished scholars and clerics living in Shushtar who opposed the Pahlavi regime. They were uneasy with the critical situation in the city and the chaotic situation there. There was also a strong cooperation in revolutionary activities between the clerics and the merchant class and workers of the bazaar. The mosques close to the bazaar were the centers for the fight against the despotic regime of Shah. This research work intends to find an appropriate answer to this question: How did the clerics (the exiled, the invitees and the local clerics) promote public awareness in Shushtar in their fight against the Pahlavi monarchy in Iran? This research work has been developed based on a descriptive-analytical method, library sources and archived documents. It is hypothesized that clerics (the exiled, the invitees and the local clerics) did their best to promote public awareness among the deprived people of Shushtar during the Pahlavi reign. This made the revolutionary youths in this city turn into flag-bearers of revolution until final victory.

This paper intends to find answers to these questions: What process has political development, i.e. political participation and competition, gone through during the Pahlavi II period in Iran and what ups and downs has it experienced? What serious obstacles and challenges has it faced during this period of political development in the country? The answers to these questions lie in the political sociology, so we resorted to theories by N. Chandhoke, B. Moore, S. P. Huntington, T. Skocpol, and G. Luciani on the weakness of civil society and the rentier state, as the serious obstacles to and challenges of the political development. We finally hypothesized that the more government monopoly on oil income and the weaker the structure of civil society, the less will be the probability of realization of political development. The hypothesis was analyzed and tested with the assistance of valid historical documents and statistical evidence. The results indicate that at any period the government has turned into a rentier state, being independent and needless of public taxes and enjoying power concentration, the circle for political participation and competition has been narrowed down, taking away any chance for political development.

In 1975, the Pahlavi regime converted the Solar Hijri calendar (which was based on the Hijra or migration of Prophet Muhammad (S) from Mecca to Medina: a religious event) to an imperial calendar (coronation date of Cyrus the Great: a national event). This conversion stirred reactions by various walks of life, in particular the clerics. The Shah had to finally convert the calendar again to the Solar Hijri to quell public protests. This research paper intends to find an answer to this question: What was the reaction of various walks of life including the clerics, academicians and political parties to the conversion of the calendar and what was the effect of this reaction on the victory of Islamic movement in Iran? This research paper has adopted a descriptive-analytical method based on library sources and documents. The Shah converted the calendar to show the glory of ancient Iran to the Westerners and he did not mean insulting the religion of Islam. However, since he had put away a religious symbol, substituting it with an imperial symbol, the clerics interpreted it as an insult to Islam and the Prophet (pbuh). To the university students it was a first move to eliminate Islam and to the political parties it was an introduction to a drastic chance in Constitution.

After the victory of Islamic Revolution in Iran, the so-called Liberal political groups such as the National Front and to some extent Freedom Movement of Iran publicized their belief in Westernization, nationalization, and secularism. They had their own attitudes toward the Islamic Revolution and the Islamic Republic system of government. These groups gradually opposed the Islamic Republic system. Sheikh Sadeq Khalkhali, a senior official and a member of the Imam’s Line of Thinking, played a key role in confronting these groups.
The principal question of this paper is this: How and why the confrontation between forces loyal to Imam’s Line of Thinking and Liberals took place and what was the role of Sheikh Sadeq Khalkhali?
The answer to this question will be found through a descriptive-analytical method.
This paper hypothesizes that the confrontation between Imam’s Line of Thinking and the Liberals was due to the type of their world view and their attitude toward the role of religion in politics and the nature of the government.
The findings of this paper show that the two political groupings maintained opposing world view and political perspectives, wherein Khalkhali has played a key role in handling this confrontation.

Upon formation of intellectual, political, religious, and nationalist movements in the history of Iran, certain activities were staged to confront foreign influence and change in the political structure of the country. In the meantime, Nationalization of the Iranian Oil Industry was an outstanding movement, which took place upon integration of two religious and nationalist movements against foreign colonialism and domestic despotism.
The principal question of this paper revolves around the role of religious movement in nationalization of the oil industry and on what the impact of this experience was on formation of the Islamic Revolution in Iran.
The methodology of this research paper is descriptive-analytical based on library sources and documents.
Based on the findings, the religious movement had had a pivotal role in formation of the Islamic Revolution in the country. It seems that without the influence of this movement, the probability of the occurrence of nationalization of oil industry movement would be low. In early years after the culmination of the Islamic Revolution in Iran, Imam Khomeini enjoyed the experiences of the religious movement in nationalization of oil industry.

This paper intends to explore and analyze factors stirring ethnic sentiments in Arab settlements in southern Iran that have escalated into separatist movements in some epochs of history.
The research paper has been developed based on library sources and through documental-historical methodology.
Hypothesis: This paper hypothesizes that a set of abstract and concrete factors in domestic level (political, social, cultural and economic) on one hand, and foreign intervention on the other hand, have stirred Pan Arabic tendencies and sentiments. In this paper, Pan Arabism is dependent variable while the abstract and concrete factors are independent variables.
The domestic factors have played a more important role in Pan Arabism. To safeguard national unity and territorial integrity, it is required to diminish in influence the domestic factors (independent variables) stirring Pan Arabism in order to curtail Pan Arabism as dependent variable.