نشریه علوم سیاسی
سال بیست و یکم شماره 4 (پیاپی 84، زمستان 1397)

The purpose of this study is to investigate how civilization as an emerging phenomenon is influential in the international system. The research method is descriptive-analytical, and the data were collected with library method. The result of this research was an understanding of how a civilized state put to work and its difference with other actors (say, a national state), and how they react in the contemporary international system. The knowledge outcome of the procedural analysis of civilization influence in the world’s order and demonstration of such a process leads us to consider the necessity of the level of civilization analysis or civilization theories. For civilization actors, the continuation of reacting in territorial and national situation is perilous and render part of the capacity of the actors’ silent, leading to the reemergence of the experience of the early twentieth century in Iran, Turkey, etc. Remaining in national state and territorial state both at domestic and foreign policy cause part of the influential resources of the states to be withdrawn from operational cycle. Maintaining specified limit and boundaries on a national and territorial reading basis accounts for a particular type of cessation, as components of identity tend to be externalized as much as possible. Understanding how a civilized state emerges can lead us to an understanding of a civilized state’s reaction in the international relations, contributing to the way peace is secured in a particular region or in the international system and the world’s order, and the buildup of convergence level. The purpose of this study is to investigate how civilization as an emerging phenomenon is influential in the international system. The research method is descriptive-analytical, and the data were collected with library method. The result of this research was an understanding of how a civilized state put to work and its difference with other actors (say, a national state), and how they react in the contemporary international system. The knowledge outcome of the procedural analysis of civilization influence in the world’s order and demonstration of such a process lead us to consider the necessity of the level of civilization analysis or civilization theories. For civilization actors, the continuation of reacting in territorial and national situation is perilous and render part of the capacity of the actors’ silent, leading to the reemergence of the experience of the early twentieth century in Iran, Turkey, etc. Remaining in national state and territorial state both at domestic and foreign policy cause part of the influential resources of the states to be withdrawn from operational cycle. Maintaining specified limit and boundaries on a national and territorial reading basis accounts for a particular type of cessation, as components of identity tend to be externalized as much as possible. Understanding how a civilized state emerges can lead us to an understanding of a civilized state’s reaction in the international relations, contributing to the way peace is secured in a particular region or in the international system and the world’s order, and the buildup of convergence level.

The main objective of the study is to investigate the movements affecting the geopolitical downfall in the western part of Asia and geopolitical-political developments in this region, and the effect of the worldview of Jihadist Salafi movements on the formation of the new era of geopolitical downfall in the region. In this paper, an attempt was made to study two important and fundamental eras in the geopolitical downfall of the West Asia’s region—the decline of the model of Caliphate order to the nationalist Arabian-Turkish model, and in the end the decline of this model to small-scale, identity-based model. In addition to the study of the challenges and damages caused in these two eras, the worldview of Jihadist Salafi movements will be investigated in the aftermath of Iraq occupation (2003-2018). The quality of how the second geopolitical downfall era has been fueled in the area were analyzed. The method of the research was descriptive-analytical, and the data were gathered with library method. The results showed that the geographical worldview of Jihadist Salafi movements plays an important role in the formation of an identity anarchy, stimulation of existing identities at small scale, and in the end lays the grounds for the deterioration of the geopolitical order derived from Sykes-Picot agreement in the western part of Asia. By aggressively and militarily denying the fabricated frontiers in the West Asia, the foregoing movements affect three different areas; small-scale identity of Sunni groups within the realm of state-nations in the region, other small-scale identities within the realm of any state-nation, and finally other small-scale identities outside the national boundaries of the countries in the region (including Sunni and non-Sunni); and give rise to some kind of anarchy and geopolitical downfall, which can result in a disintegration in the area.

The main goal of this article is to investigate how the role of particular and general groups affect the stability of ethnic-religious violence in New Iraq, with an emphasis on Harry Eckstein’s idea of “the recognition of the nature and type of violent behavior”. The research was conducted with descriptive-analytical method, and the method of data gathering was library. The results showed that incongruent cultural-social texture and tribalism dominating the pyramid of power in the Iraqi state constitute political rivalries based on ethnic and religious relations, which resulted in the emergence of a new level of violence among particular groups against particulars, particulars against general, and general against particulars, as fragile state and demands of each group for assuming power based on tribalism point of view have escalated the situation.

The internal constituents of the theory of Guardianship of the Islamic Jurist are an interconnected set and systems, which can be derived in the form of systematic and disciplined model, conceptual, normative, structural, and functional components; and we can explain each of them as a relational reaction. In this regard, the purpose of the research is to reread and present a new plan for the theory of political guardianship. The research method is descriptive-analytical, and the data were gathered with library method. The results indicated that the theory of political guardianship is composed of five key concepts—forger of guardianship, guardian, pupil, domain of power, and network of power whose internal network is fed by Islamic propositions. The internal structure of a political guardianship consists of political and social elements, the role of each is arranged and planned in a framework with two characteristics—interactive and systematic—of Islam. A guardian jurist assumes a legitimate, communicative, guidance, and strategic role within a political guardianship system. A pupil (an individual, civil society, and government) is actively involved as a permanent and participatory constituent of the guardianship system in all structural, functional and feedback processes. As the condition for application and condition for the continuation of political guardianship, people are both the cause of which a political system comes into existence, and the cause of which it continues to exist; therefore, the network and flow of power are endowed with a participatory characteristic.

In light of the solid bond between “political idea” and “anthropology”, the present study aims to provide a suitable anthropological framework by which a variety of political ideas of thinkers can be perceived. The case study of this research is the political ideas of Sheikh Shahab al-Din Suhrawardi, was conducted with a descriptive-analytical method, and data collection was library. The results showed that human nature is influential in determining the suitable presidency in a city, the basis for ruler’s legitimacy, manner of ruling and the nature of politics. Admitting authority overshadows the basis of ruler competency and the need for his accountability regarding the relation between rights and obligations. Knowing that human is civilized by nature has been embodied in the foundations for forming society and establishing state, ontology of law and who a legislator is. Authenticating afterworld life gives rise to such subjects as standing down from assuming power, which is the culmination of politics, which gives us such outcomes as holding political leaders accountable in the afterlife, preventing others’ rights from being violated, determining the provisions and practice of nurturing and people’s subordination to ruler. Human’s teleology can shape three bases--the basis of legitimacy, the ultimate goal of state, the laws ruling society, so that he can be assimilated into the almighty God.

The main purpose of this study is to investigate approaches and goals of Russia’s security strategy for the Syrian crisis, and to pinpoint its causes and the level of the effect of the independent variable in the research--great powers’ reaction to Syrian crisis—on the independent variable of the research—great powers’ structural reaction.  The research method is descriptive-analytical, and data were gathered with library method. The results of the study indicated that realists ruling Russia’s foreign policy have defined their strategic goal on a win-win game basis between Russia and the West, so that the role of Russia in preventing the West’s attack against Russia is a practical representation of this realism. Russia has always expected the US to view it as its counterpart and involve this country in the world’s developments in the same way as it does. The Kremlin’s leaders do not want an order and geopolitics that change against their will, because they may both lose great economic benefits and see this possibility that these developments will be precipitated in the area close to Russia. Today, why Kremlin stands firm in the ongoing crisis in Syria has manifested itself and taken on a realistic interpretation of power and the complexity of the notion of security. Kremlin knows it for sure that it has not become “great” enough to maintain a balance against the inter-connected power of the West.

The purpose of the present study was to study the theoretical dimensions of the challenges posed in the aftermath of the Ottoman caliphate in 1924, and provide a typology of different types of ideas about Islamic caliphate in three forms—“traditionalist, modernist, and modernist”. In this regard, the political ideas of the most prominent representatives of each of the spheres namely Rashid Reza, Hassan al-Banna, and Ali Abd Al-Raziq, concerning politics and caliphate, were studied. The research method was descriptive-analytical, and the data were gathered in library fashion. The results indicated that Muslim thinkers’ viewpoints are at odds over the question of “caliphate”. Thinkers generally find themselves on common ground on the idea that caliphate in the Muslim world is a form of state for the protection of the laws of Sharia. Traditionalists and modernists argue that human problems can be solved by referring to the holy texts, but Ali Abd Al-Raziq argues for the ability of human mind in making sense of the world and managing personal and collective affairs in life. In this regard, there is a consensus between him and modernists like Hassan al-Banna. Modernists mostly vouch for the separation of state from religion and the theory of world-centrism. The consensus on the idea of the need for the involvement of religion in politics has led the two schools, traditionalist and modernist, to consider the need for reviving caliphate. The two intellectual orientations, traditionalist and modernist, believe that the unity between Muslims is the essential condition for caliphate.