نشریه مطالعات راهبردی جهان اسلام
سال نوزدهم شماره 4 (پیاپی 76، زمستان 1397)

With the bigining of the civil war and anarchy in Syria, the Democratic Union Party, as an unofficial branch of the PKK, agreed with the central government of Syria take the control of the large part of Hasakah province and parts of the Raqqah and Aleppo provinces in the north of Syria. This trend has become a serious security threat to Turkey and has therefore begun to try to contain it. Turkey tried to indirectly change the balance of power at the expense of the party and destroy the structures created in northern Syria, but this trend was defeated due to the large influence of the Democratic Union in northern Syria and the support of the central government. After the formation of a coalition of operation inherent resolve and alliance of Democratic Alliance with United States, the danger of PKK penetration in northern Syria was more felt by Turkey, resulting in Turkey's direct intervention through the use of military mechanisms to contain the threat. So the main question of the article is around this axis, what is the most likely scenario by Turkey's military intervention in northern Syria? The premise is based on the hypothesis that Turkey will have to leave the areas under its control in northern Syria, due to lack of legal and international support, after the gradual return of central government authority. This paper attempts to extract the most likely scenario of the establishment of the political order in the north of Syria by using the trend analysis.

The Palestinian issue has always been the most fundamental issue of the Islamic world since 1948. Supporting this issue has always been the most important part of foreign policy of Islamic countries. But over the past few decades, this issue has been marginalized and support for Palestinian resistance has dropped out of the top priority of many Muslim countries.
Foreign policy of any country in the international system is the result of the variables within and outside the borders of that country. In the case of North Africa, this is also relevant. The depth of the anti-Zionist culture among the Muslim communities of North Africa and the root of the resistance culture of anti-colonial struggles has made attention to the issue of Palestine and resistance groups one of the most important features of these societies and their foreign policy. In spite of the importance of supporting the resistance for foreign policy in North African countries, some components have had a major impact on foreign policy of these countries and have removed them from this path.
So the main question is, what are the components of the North African divergence (as part of the Islamic world) in support of Palestinian resistance? According to the main question, the purpose of this article is to examine the factors of North African divergence from the issue of Palestine's support. Research findings suggest that despite the deepening of the anti-Zionist culture and support for resistance groups in North Africa, this issue has been affected. In this paper, we will try to answer the question of this article by using a descriptive-analytical method using library tools and using electronic resources.

In recent years, a trend has grown in Turkey, though it know itself influenced by the thoughts of Said Nursi, a distinguished Muslim Turk scholar, but has presented a new model in various ways. This trend, which is generally blended with the name of its leader, Fethullah Gulen, is also known as the Congregation of Service, the Noorchis Flow and the Gulen community. Not only this trend known as one of the major trends in the modern Turkey but also in the region is known as an influential one, and has been growing in recent years in areas such as the Balkans, Central Asia and the Caucasus, Africa and even the United States. Considering the importance this trend has had over the past years in Turkish society, politics and economy, as well as the fact that Gulen's trend is intellectually and ideologically competitive and even contradictory to the revolutionary Islamic model of the Islamic Republic of Iran, and over the past few years, its Anti-Shiite and anti-Iranian positions have increased, the study of the nature and extent of the religious and political influence of this trend is of great importance. Accordingly, the main focus of this paper is on the epistemology of the Fethullah Gulen trend  in Turkey.
 

Although the Zionist regime has sought to use its influence in political organizations and proprietary media to proclaim itself a victim of racism, injustice, and oppression, but very soon by demonstrating discriminatory policies, Racism, occupation and expansionism revealed its real nature. In the early decades of the occupation of Palestine, most of the anti-Israeli anti-Zionist groups were of Arab origin and were summarized in Islamic armed resistance movements. But with the rise of the Zionist regime's militant policies after the 1980s, along with the ICT revolution and the formation of the virtual world, the formation of anti-Israel groups was not limited to the Islamic and Arab world. There are now numerous anti-Zionist-Israeli groups in Europe that support Palestine and oppose the policies of the Zionist regime, trying to inform the politicians of their countries and the people of Europe about the Palestinian issue. The present study is one of the few studies that studies the anthropology, evaluation and comprehensive categorization of anti-Zionist groups in Europe and attempts to study the pro-Palestinian and anti-Israel groups in Europe by using a library method and a comparative approach.

Central Asia is susceptible for every change due to its geographical location and population structure. This area suffered a kind of disruption after the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991. All of this disruption can be attributed through extremist Islamic movements (such as Salafism, Sophists, Wahhabism, and Talibanism), drug trafficking, human trafficking, separatism, weapons of mass destruction, separatist movements and color revolutions, poverty and corruption, corruption and money laundering and all these factors transform the region into a unstable land. So far, however, discussions about this instability, along with the demographic structure and its role in extremism adoption, have received little attention. Therefore, this paper focuses on three influential components of ethnicity, religion, economics in Central Asian population structure and study the extent of extremist adoption.

Defenders of the Shrine and the Martyrs of the Defender of the Shrine is a term coined in the fight against Takfiri and ISIS terrorism in Iraq, especially in Syria, in defense of the privacy of the Ahlul-Bayt after 2011, and in a short time the theory of the Shrine defenders has become one relatively pervasive and influential culture in three cultural, political and security spheres, which also led a large number of young people  from Western Asia and even Europe and the United States to defend the shrine of Ahlul-Bayt. This regional convergence led to the formation of a large army of revolutionary forces, acting as a powerful military and security arm of the Islamic Revolution at the regional level. This article seeks to answer the question whether shrine defenders and martyrs have any influence on regional integration. To clarify the subject, the agenda of this article is to examine the role and cultural, political and security impact of the Shrine defenders and the Shrine Defenders martyrs in creating regional convergence between the countries and nations of the region in opposition to the policy of expansive, expansionist and disruptive security of nations. The method will be to research, study and collect documents, books, scholarly articles and reputable sites.