فصلنامه سیاست خارجی
سال سی و سوم شماره 1 (پیاپی 129، بهار 1398)

Almost All decisions and measures of the US President, Donald Trump, in the last 2 years such as withdrawal from significant regional and international agreements, adopting controversial policies and behaviors against strategic allies and uncial partners including tariff war with Europe and China, as well as repeatedly challenging that structure of current international order, especially Economic order, is not working in the interest of the United States, but shows that he is unhappy with this situation of international order. Trump’s so called Doctrine of “America First” and “Make America Great Again” along with its unilateral and protectionist policies, explicitly indicates that there are some plans for changing the international order. Does President Trump want to replace the current free trade, political and economic international order with new one? Or would prefer to keep and reform it or to fix and reconstruct it, in a way that could benefit for the United States? This essay assumes that “Trump would not prefer to replace the current international order but he intends to reform and reconstruct this order in order to restore and establish the hegemonic stance of the United States”, which he believes once was existed.

China's elites, with the nobility for the transformation of globalization, have placed their policy priorities on promoting economic power as the centerpiece of national power. Based on this and in order to utilize all national and international capacities, China's foreign policy has played a key role in creating the right environment for the country in the international system over the past three decades. As a result, attention has been paid to economic diplomacy as an economic-oriented approach to foreign policy and, consequently, to the consideration of its behavioral requirements. In order to analyze this issue, the present study uses a qualitative research method based on historical and library documents and also relying on statistical data to explain the concept, objectives and practice of economic diplomacy in China's foreign policy and its role in the country's potentiality. The main question of the article is that China has taken a foreign policy approach in order to achieve a strong position in the global economy. In response to the question, the research hypothesis is that China, after Mao, has actively pursued an economic diplomacy approach with the aim of strengthening its global position and has been actively pursuing its goals, including attracting foreign investment, facilitating the business environment, boom Tourism, the pursuit of science and technology, and the improvement of the image of the country.

One of the main subjects in political international economics is the question regarding money. It is such an important issue that many has attributed the roots of the second world war to the disorder encircled international monetary management in the late 1930s. Thus, after the war, in 1944, a new mechanism named International Monetary Fund (IMF) was established based on U.S. dollar; in order to oversee the international monetary system’s stability. Nevertheless, the dollar-dominated system weakened gradually and other currencies got more attention. Meanwhile, China started its Open-Up policy and strengthening its economic power resulting the increasing global attention to its RMB (Ren Min Bi, Official Currency of China) as one of the main currencies in different economic issues, and in recent years there has been written plenty of articles and writings in internationalization of RMB.
In order to understand the economic conditions of a country like Iran, as a state with revolutionary and nonparallel approaches toward the interests of the west, especially the United States, the author of this article, while providing a descriptive-analytical view toward the position of RMB in global economic system and its internationalization requirements, tries to analyze the economic relations between Iran and China especially after the withdrawal of the United States from Nuclear Deal (JCPOA) and imposition of its unilateral sanctions against Iran.
In this regard, many writings and precedents of the issue were reviewed. The analyses indicates that economic ties between Iran and China, especially after the withdrawal of the U.S. administration from JCPOA, is moving toward Yuanization in all areas.

The two concepts of "human rights" and "environment" were poorly matters of concern to human-being over the past centuries. The peoples' growing concerns led to the establishment of discrete institutions and adoption of plenty of relevant national, regional and international declarations, legally-binding instruments and regulations for their protection and promotion in recent decades. The ongoing processes and studies disclosed inalienable and undeniable nexus between the two concepts and affected/will affect the rulings of the courts, such as: European Court on Human Rights and International Criminal Court. Although the identification of nexus between human rights and environment is at its preliminary stages, it is predicted that the responsible politicians across the globe have no choice, but to recognize the nexus, while turning a blind eye on the political borders. Despite the complexities therein, it is incumbent upon the diplomats to define further and recognize the environmental-related human rights, such as peoples' right to healthy environment through research and dialogue in international forums, such as: Human Rights Council and environmental gatherings.

Recent developments in the Arab world have strongly affected geopolitics in the Middle East. The collapse of authoritarian states, such as Ben Ali and Mubarak, brought the Middle East power equation into a new era. Regional powers, by redefining their national and regional interests and positions, began to expand ties with post-revolutionary regimes. Turkey, as one of the influential powers in the region, considered Arab developments as an opportunity to redefine their historical role. This increased with the rise of the Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt and Ennahda in Tunisia. The Justice and Development Party, a branch of the Muslim Brotherhood, saw the emergence of these currents in the two countries in terms of civilian and cultural expansion, making it an opportunity to strategize its relationship with the new governments in Egypt and Tunisia. The collapse of these currents from the power struggle in Egypt and Tunisia disrupted the regional strategy of Turkey, shifting its inspiration from the Middle East to the military-security phase. The tension in relations with Egypt, the military intervention in Syria is one of the consequences of this policy. The study seeks to investigate Turkey's damage to the fall of the Muslim Brotherhood and, at a later stage, Ankara's attempt to return the group to power. The research hypothesis is that the collapse of the Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt left Turkey out of the spiritual and cultural role of the region and undermined its position in ordering the Middle East crisis.

Although the United States of America, as the main developer of cyberspace, is considered a leading country in this field, it does not mean that the immunity of IT networks from sabotage and cyber attacks has been guaranteed. Incidentally, the comprehensive development of the Internet in their society and the excessive dependence of U.S critical infrastructures on IT have exposed it to a variety of vulnerability and cyber threats. They are all relied on the Internet from the banking and financial network to public utilities and social networks, and if it is disrupted, they will stopped.
This article discusses the stages that the cyber threat passed from the political agenda to the security agenda in the different United States administrations, and we will explain the steps that have been taken to secure cybersecurity from a marginal issue under the public Infrastructure issue to the top United States security threats.
In this article we will introduce the institutions involved in United States cybersecurity to reveal two fundamental attitudes toward cyberspace in the United States security system. The differences between the United States Congress and the White House to secure cyberspace and governmental control over it, this is a clear example of the security issue of the Copenhagen School, which will be investigated with all of its bugs and benefits.
In fact, the United States has been the scene of struggle between cybersecurity theory and cyberself-runnig theory for twenty years. We will discuss this issue and its cyber security effects in the event of the overcome of each one in the conclusion.