نشریه مطالعات راهبردی جهان اسلام
سال بیستم شماره 1 (پیاپی 77، بهار 1398)

Following the overthrow of Saddam's Ba'athist regime and the formation of a new political system in Iraq, its policy toward dealing with the Arab and international arena was to resolve the disputes left by Saddam, to reduce tensions with neighboring countries and to not interfere in their internal affairs and actively participation in the international community, especially in issues such as combating terrorism, extremism, and environmental challenges.
On the other hand, Arab governments adopted a confrontational approach in front of new Iraq because they did not accept Shiite-centered Iraq and, on the other hand, by marginalizing the Sunni in political arena, they feared the impact of this country's democratic system on the basis of democracy in the region while the post-2003 Iraqi governments by strengthening the Iraq’s arabic wings sought to gain the trust of the Arab states and improve their relations with the Arab governments.
Following ISIS's entry into Iraq and the success of Iraqi forces by the big role of popular mobilization forces (Hashd Al-Shabi) on the control and stop of this terrorist group, the approach of the Arab states, and in particular Saudi Arabia, to engage Shiite rule in Iraq was accompanied by a tactical shift and a closer engagement with the shiite currents and Iraqi sovereignty were on the agenda.
In this paper, using descriptive-analytical method and relying on library resources and interviews, while explaining the incentives and barriers to strengthening Iraqi governance relations with the Arab countries, we explain the possible scenarios of Iraqi-Arab relations (specifically Saudi Arabia).
The findings of the article suggest that the curve of Iraqi cooperation and relations with Saudi Arabia will be growing in the short or even medium term, but the process of interactions between the two sides, given that the new Saudi approach to Iraq is tactically and It does not seek to strengthen relations with Iraq strategically, it will not last long.

Russia has enjoyed a relatively good standing in the foreign policy of Iran over the past years. Part of this position relates to Iran's position in the international system, especially the imposition of international sanctions, and partly because of its relatively uniform stance on important global issues. Meanwhile, US unilateral sanctions against the Islamic Republic of Iran, which have been imposed since Washington's exit from Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPA), have created difficult conditions for Tehran-Moscow relations. Especially since the sanctions are not limited to Iran and include companies and countries that cooperate with Iran. Therefore, given the importance of the relationship with Russia in the foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran, the present paper addresses the question, "What capacity does Russia have to circumvent or mitigate US sanctions against Iran?" The research findings show under sanctions, Russia can help Iran in four areas: oil sales, banking, providing strategic goods and expanding regional cooperation.

The foreign policy of any country in the international system is the result of variables inside and outside its borders. This is also true for North African countries. The depth of anti-Zionist culture among Muslim communities in North Africa, the cultural proximity between Shiites and Sufism as the core of these societies, and the deep-rooted culture of resistance stemming from anti-colonial struggles have made attention to the Palestinian issue and resistance groups one of the most important features of these societies and foreign policy of these countries.
Despite the importance of supporting resistance in foreign policy of the North African countries, the economic component has had a major impact on foreign policy and has pushed them away from this purpose. The purpose of this article is also to compare the impact of this component on the foreign policy of North African countries in support of groups and the axis of resistance. The findings show that to the extent that North African countries are economically weak and dependent, their foreign policy in different areas, particularly the issue of supporting the resistance axis, has been affected and they have failed to implement an independent foreign policy. This paper attempts with a comparative approach, using library tools and using electronic resources to answer this question that what is the relationship between the economic component and the support for groups and the axis of resistance in North African foreign policy?

Ayatollah Ali Khamenei is a prominent Shi'ite thinker who is loyal to all Shiite scientific traditions, but at the same time, what he has presented about "Islamic rule" because of its reliance on the verses of the Qur'an the its Sect aspect has been overshadowed by the religious aspect and this is one of the "special privileges" of his views and opinions. This paper attempts to express the intellectual geometry of Ayatollah Ali Khamenei's about "religious democracy" with a content analysis approach.

One example of Islamic Government is religious democracy, based on the key elements of Islam and the people. Religious democracy is able to accommodate different shapes by coming in the form of Shiites and Sunnis Ideas. In Iran after the victory of the Islamic Revolution, one of its forms has been designed and realized and could inspire the Muslim Ummah to integrate to form the "unity of the Islamic Ummah." If we consider the main factors for the realization of religious democracy in such categories as sovereignty, people, the relation of religion and politics, reason, leadership and justice we can by recognizing the Sunni thinkers' thinking and Identify the main elements of the Islamic government and examine whether Sunni political thought is capable of realizing the formation of an Islamic state based on the model of the people. The question in this article is: "Is it possible to derive different patterns of religious democracy based on Sunni political thought?" The hypothesis is: "Sunni political scientists have the initial capacity to formulate a religious democracy model. This research is a qualitative research with descriptive-analytical method. The type of analysis of this paper is based on a text based on examples of contemporary Sunnis. The method of data collection is library study.

One of the goals and aspirations of the Islamic Revolution is to achieve the "unity of the Islamic unity". Imam Khomeini with the idea of ​​"the formation of an Islamic state consisting of free and independent republics" and Ayatollah Khamenei with the idea of ​​"the formation of a new Islamic civilization" presented plans to realize this great Qur'anic ideal. There are many obstacles in the way of achieving this Ideal. Ethnic and religious factors, along with nationalism, created deep gaps between Islamic societies. The US-led system of domination has also prevented the political unity of the Muslim world by investing in these gaps and activating them. In spite of these obstacles, the Islamic Revolution, with the development of a special identity known as the Resistance, was able to integrate a set of state and non-state actors around the Axis of Resistance and form a new geopolitical and geocultural sphere. This paper uses an explanatory-analytical approach and uses library resources while examining the process of rebuilding the identity of the resistance and how this geopolitical and geocultural entity is formed examines this hypothesis that "The identity of the Resistance has transformed the concept of Resistance Citizen as an alternative to the concept of National Citizenship in Geopolitics and Geoculture of resistance".