مجله رهیافت های سیاسی و بین المللی
سال یازدهم شماره 1 (پیاپی 59، پاییز 1398)

If we consider the main task of the parties to achieve power and obtain the seats of the representatives, the most important issue facing political actors is to provide institutional and legal framework for the political participation of individuals and groups of society, and in this regard, the electoral system and its relationship with the party system matters. In Iran, due to weakness of the electoral system, the party system faces a crisis of lack of institutionalization and instability. Therefore, the main question of this article is why, despite the freedom to form political parties in Iranian law, party governance have not been formed? This article, using a descriptive-analytical method and using an institutionalist perspective, seeks to examine the role of the legal system and, consequently, the laws and regulations governing parties and elections in shaping and consolidating the party system in Iran. The study of the laws governing the parties since the formation of the Islamic Republic of Iran shows that the creation of various barriers and the imbalance between the rights and duties of parties in these laws are the main and direct factors of the lack of institutionalization of parties and party governance. In fact, the institutional rules )electoral law and parties( in the Islamic Republic have destroyed and weakened them instead of encouraging the formation and consolidation of party mechanisms.

The idea of Iran as a religious, cultural, and ethnic reality goes back as far as the end of the 6th century B.C.E. As a political idea, we first catch sight of it in the twenties of the 3rd century C.E. as an essential feature of Sasanian propaganda. Although, up until the end of the Parthian period, Iranian identity had an ethnic, linguistic, and religious value, it did not yet have a political import. The idea of an “Iranian” empire or kingdom is a purely Sasanian one. Third-century Iran was shaken by a conflict between universalism and nationalism that was most clearly manifest in the religious and cultural sphere. The outcome of this conflict is well known: the traditionalistic and nationalistic impulses gained the upper hand, and Manichean universalism succumbed to the nationalism of the Zoroastrian Magi. Iranian identity, which up to that point had been essentially of a cultural and religious nature, assumed a definite political value, placing Persia and the Persians at the center of the Ērān-šahr, in other words, at the center of a state based on the twin powers of throne and altar and sustained by an antiquarian and archaizing ideology.

One of the most important issues that has attracted the attentions of scholars, cultural and educational policy-makers, and as well as the Iranian top officials in recent years is to create the indigenous knowledge. Knowledge of International Relations has not been separated from this concern, and there has always been a debate about how much indigenous knowledge has been generated in this field? One of the fundamentals of native theories of international relations is the consideration of intellectual traditions throughout a nation›s history. Saadi is an Iranian poet who paid attention to politics and governance in his works. Accordingly, the main question of this research is whether Saadi›s approach to the world and relations with other nations is consistent with what theoretical tradition? For this purpose, a descriptive-analytic method has been used. Findings of the research show that among the theories of International Relations in the twentieth century, two traditions of Realism and Idealism can be found well in Sadi›s works. What distinguishes Saa›di in this regard is the evolution of his thought of pure Realism or Idealism towards the pragmatism that is seen in few thinker and theorist

The scrutiny of the formation of Justice-demanding resistances during the constitutional period and afterwards can be useful in understanding how the first public resistances in the Qajar era came to be known as Rebellion and their glitches have gotten as anti-security. The main purpose of this study is to understand the change of the regimes of truth as well as the Qajar ruling practices to understand how resistances have been shaped. Therefore, the key question is "what kind of ruling practices (Techniques and Knowledges) caused justice-demanding resistances and how these resistances got an anti-security glitch?" The focal point of the formation of public resistances seems to be the bureaucratic offices and the judiciary. On the one side, the bureaucratic offices had been focused on hiring obedient menials, postponing decisions and buying and selling positions. On the other side, the scapegoating and torturing were the baselines in the courts. The most important achievement of this research, based on the Foucauldian genealogy approach, is extracting the elements of the Sultani's diagram, the main function of that was grabbing everything for the limited and ritual donation (of privileges and interests). Michel Foucault's genealogical approach has been used in this study.

The position and roles of states in the economy and their type of presence has been an important issue for development scholars. The question of the present research is exploring the features of the state in the implementation of the Third Development Plan from the perspective of institutionalism. According to Peter Evans, self-reliance of state )meritocratic bureaucracy(, and community-based self-reliance are the key indicators of the developmental states. The Custodian, Demiurge, Midwifery and Husbandry roles are Evans’ rules for defining the state intervention in industrial development. The main hypothesis is that the state in the Third Development Plan drew some horizons in indicators such as “Efficient Bureaucracy, Relative Autonomy and Community-based Self-reliance” for solving its structural problems, but in this effort faced with some challenges. The Plan also emphasized the expansion of some industries, which Evans described as the mother of industries that have the “overflow” power toward other industries. The method of this article is documentary research. Our goal is to emphasize on the importance of the state's position in the development of Iran and the identification of the state roles in order to determine the strength and weakness of one of the development plans from the perspective of political economy.

The collapse of the bipolar structure of the international system caused imbalance in the international system. In the bipolar structure, the balance of power crisis management was carried out by two blocs, but by the collapse of the system, crisis management especially in areas like the Middle East seems unreachable. Long term regional conflict in Syria is a clear example of such situation. This research, by a descriptive approach, looking for an answer to the question of "Why does the Syrian crisis with its unmanagement in the imbalance of power in international system continues as such?" One of the reasons of the unmanaging the Syrian crisis- by using the library method- is the heterogeneity of behavioral patterns adopted by the regional powers, such as Islamic Republic of Iran, Turkey and Saudi Arabia, to manage the crisis in the unbalanceed structure of the system. Iran by adopting a restrained behavior pattern, Saudi Arabia by an aggressive conduct and Turkey by a reckless conduct, had no congruency to the Syrian crisis. Examining the security and crisis management mechanism and the powers involved in this process is very important. purpose of this article is to explain the behavior of the powers of the region which as a result of their conflict of behavior has made crisis management and peace in the Middle East unusual. The theoretical framework of the research uses the realism paradigm; in this paradigm we have used Benjamin Miller's Multiple Approaches that is a unique method in the compass of crisis management. Peace in the Middle East requires congruent behavioral patterns of the three powers.

How can we use international relations theory, which ends in prediction, in the future studies that ends up in the future making? What is the position of critical theories of international relations in the future studies? Future studies are defined in interpretative studies, due to its conception, the rotational attitude to history and the possibility of constructing future. According to some futurists, the use of the theoretical framework in interpretative studies is impossible. In contrast, some argue that the process of future studies is not just based on imagery and imagination, but there is an important pillar in future studies, which is past and present studies, then, to identify and explain trends and events, one can use the theory as explained and analyzed tools. In this research, we present the third perspective, by dividing the process of future studies into two exploratory and normative stages. we show that the use of the theoretical framework in the exploratory phase is possible but limited, but the exploitation of theories in the normative stage is crucial for future development. The hypothesis is: the extended present pattern in future studies is based on two stages: exploratory and normative: in the first stage, probable futures are discovered in a process with an inductive strategy. Restricting this stage in the theoretical framework creates an ontological limitation. But in the normative stage, a selection of theories can be used, especially the approach of theories to the future in the stages of scenario making and prescription