فهرست مطالب

جامعه شناسی کاربردی - سال سی‌ام شماره 3 (پیاپی 75، پاییز 1398)

فصلنامه جامعه شناسی کاربردی
سال سی‌ام شماره 3 (پیاپی 75، پاییز 1398)

  • تاریخ انتشار: 1398/07/01
  • تعداد عناوین: 9
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  • یعقوب احمدی* صفحات 1-22

    اثر شبکه های اجتماعی مجازی و فضای سایبر و روابط اجتماعی و تعاملات درون این فضا بر مشارکت مدنی و سیاسی در سال های اخیر و با وقوع رویدادهایی ازجمله بهار عربی و جشن یک درصدی (در آمریکا و اروپا) اهمیت بسیاری یافته است. نوشتار حاضر، در همین زمینه و با توجه به نقش مهم شبکه های اجتماعی آنلاین در اعتراضات و فعالیت های سیاسی و مدنی آشکار و پنهان از اواخر دهه 80 تا به امروز ایران اسلامی، درصدد ارزیابی اثر سرمایه اجتماعی موجود در شبکه های آنلاین و آفلاین بر مشارکت مدنی شهروندان شهر سنندج است. این پژوهش به روش توصیفی از نوع همبستگی و پیمایشی انجام شده است. پرسش نامه، تلفیقی از پرسش های استاندارد درباره سرمایه اجتماعی در فضای مجازی و غیرمجازی دیمیتری ویلیامز و پرسش نامه محقق ساخته برای مشارکت سیاسی در دو بعد پنهان و آشکار بوده است. پرسش نامه مبتنی بر ضرایب آلفا برای گویه ها و اعتبار صوری و اعتبار و پایایی مناسب به شیوه نمونه گیری خوشه ای چندمرحله ای میان 400 نفر از پاسخگویان توزیع شد. یافته ها نشان دادند اگرچه شکل رایج مشارکت میان پاسخگویان مانند مشارکت های سیاسی آشکار و سنتی (رای دادن، کار حزبی و رفتارهای سنتی سیاسی) است، پاسخگویان تاحدودی در مشارکت های سیاسی پنهان (صرف پول برای امور سیاسی، تمایل به کمک داوطلبانه به اجتماع محلی، امضای طومار، شرکت در اعتراضات و سایر اشکال جدید مشارکت) نیز شرکت داشته اند و این روند مانند جامعه جهانی در حال پیشروی به سود نوع دوم مشارکت سیاسی است. همچنین نتایج استنباطی نشان دادند بعد برون‎ گروهی سرمایه اجتماعی بر مشارکت مدنی آشکار و پنهان معاصر شهروندان اثر معنادارتری از سایر ابعاد داشته است؛ این در حالی است که سرمایه اجتماعی برون گروهی غیرمجازی (واقعی) اثر معنادارتری بر مشارکت سیاسی آشکار (سازمان یافتگی، رای دادن و شرکت در احزاب) داشته است.

    کلیدواژگان: مشارکت، مشارکت سیاسی، سرمایه اجتماعی، برون گروهی، درون گروهی
  • نریمان محمدی، مسعود کیانپور*، احسان آقابابایی صفحات 23-46
    پژوهش حاضر درباره چگونگی برساخت ستم دیدگی کردهای ایران در فیس بوک ازنظر انتقادی مطالعه و بررسی کرده است. ایده نظری این مقاله، این است که منطق سرمایه داری مجازی بر فیس بوک کردی حاکم است و ایدئولوژی های مختلف وضعیت های گوناگون مرتبط با کردها را به نفع خودشان مصادره می کنند. روش پژوهش، مردم نگاری انتقادی مجازی است و فیس بوک کردی برای میدان مطالعه انتخاب شده است. روش نمونه گیری از نوع نمونه گیری هدفمند (نمونه گیری شبکه ای، نمونه گیری گلوله برفی و نمونه گیری نظری) بوده است. داده های پژوهش شامل مصاحبه های ساختارنیافته آنلاین و چهره به چهره، یادداشت های میدانی حاصل از مشاهدات مشارکتی و غیرمشارکتی و تصاویر و ویدئوهای فیس بوکی بوده است. برای تحلیل داده ها از روش نظریه مبنایی برساختی استفاده شده است. یافته های پژوهش بیانگر این اند که ستم دیدگی کردها در فیس بوک توسط ایدئولوژی مصادره می شود. ایدئولوژی، شکلی از لذت قومی ازلی را بازتعریف می کند، سرقت آن توسط یک دیگری سیاه را برساخت می کند و درنهایت، ممکن بودن بازپس گیری لذت قومی به سرقت رفته را تنها با پیروی از انگاره های ایدئولوژیک مدنظر خودش تحقق پذیر می داند؛ این در حالی است که این ایدئولوژی ها به وضعیت ستم دیدگی خاتمه نمی دهند؛ بلکه تولیدکننده شکل جدیدی از ستم دیدگی اند. به طور کلی، در فیس بوک کردی شاهد زایش ستم و ژانوس رهایی هستیم. این مسئله به معنای وجودنداشتن امکان رهایی بخشی واقعی نیست. فیس بوک کردی مانند هر فضای دیگری، همزمان با سلطه ایدئولوژیک، امکان های مختلف را برای رهایی بخشی و مقاومت تولید می کند. درون این امکان هاست که می توان شکلی از رهایی بخشی را جستجو کرد که به جای تمرکز بر ویرانی و مرگ «دیگری»، بر گفتگو و همزیستی مسالمت آمیز تاکید می کند.
    کلیدواژگان: فیس بوک کردی، سرمایه داری مجازی، مردم نگاری انتقادی، ستم دیدگی، رهایی بخشی
  • محبوبه محجوبی دریاکناری، احمد رضایی*، صادق صالحی صفحات 47-62

    رفتار محیط زیستی از مفاهیم جدید مطرح شده در بررسی های محیط زیستی جوامع مدرن است که طرح آن در بسیاری از رویکردهای محیط زیستی نشان دهنده اهمیت نقش این رفتارها در محیط طبیعی است. اقوام ایرانی به دلیل تفاوت های فرهنگی در رویارویی با محیط طبیعی رفتار زیست محیطی متفاوتی دارند. این طیف وسیع از برخورد نسبت به محیط زیست، از متغیرها و عوامل بی شماری تاثیر می گیرد که به طور عمده به محیط اجتماعی فرد مربوط می شود. هدف این پژوهش، مقایسه رفتارهای محیط زیستی بین اقوام آذری، تالش و گیلک است. پژوهش حاضر، به روش توصیفی - تحلیلی انجام شده و ازنظر هدف، کاربردی است. جامعه آماری آن شهروندان شهر اردبیل، تالش و رشت اند و از نمونه گیری متناسب با حجم استفاده شده است. برای گردآوری داده ها از پرسش نامه استفاده شده به وسیله دانلپ و ون لیر (1978)، صالحی و امامقلی (1391)، مارکل (2013)، چو و کانگ (2016)، عقیلی و همکاران (1388) و صالحی و همکاران (1389) استفاده شده و روایی و پایایی آن محاسبه شده است. همچنین برای تحلیل فرضیه ها از فن معادلات ساختاری با استفاده از نسخه 22 نرم افزار ایموس استفاده شد. نتایج نشان می دهند رفتارهای محیط زیستی بین اقوام آذری، تالش و گیلک متفاوت اند. همچنین بین قومیت آذری و گیلک تفاوت معناداری وجود دارد؛ یعنی میانگین رفتارهای محیط زیستی قومیت آذری با قومیت گیلک تفاوت دارد. به علاوه بین رفتارهای محیط زیستی قومیت آذری و تالش تفاوت معناداری وجود ندارد. از یافته های دیگر بین رفتارهای محیط زیستی و قومیت این است که تفاوت معناداری بین میانگین رفتارهای محیط زیستی قومیت گیلک و تالش وجود دارد؛ به عبارت دیگر، رفتارهای محیط زیستی قومیت گیلک در مقایسه با قومیت تالش تفاوت معناداری دارند.

    کلیدواژگان: رفتارهای محیط زیستی، گروه های قومی، سرمایه فرهنگی، نگرش محیط زیستی، آگاهی محیط زیستی
  • آرش حسن پور، وحید حسنپور، مجید کافی* صفحات 63-90

    موضوع اصلی این مقاله، بررسی دلایل و عوامل شکست پروژه نوسازی در ایران دوره پهلوی است. هدف، مقایسه نوسازی اجتماعی به معنی گسست از جامعه سنتی و ایجاد جامعه‏ای متفاوت بر پایه فناوری پیشرفته و حاکمیت علم ابزاری، نگرشی عقلانی به زندگی و برخورداری از رهیافتی غیردینی در روابط اجتماعی در جامعه ایران پیش از انقلاب و ترکیه در همان دوره است. در این پژوهش براساس فن جبر بولی، فرایند نوسازی در ایران (دوره پهلوی اول) و ترکیه (دوره آتاترک) ازنظر تطبیقی - تاریخی تحلیل شده است. در چارچوب تحلیل تطبیقی - تاریخی، از روش اسنادی برای جمع آوری داده ها و از رویه جبر بولی برای مقایسه نوسازی دوره پهلوی اول و دوره آتاترک استفاده شده است. در مجموع یافته های این مطالعه نشان می دهند واگرایی های نوسازی ایرانی با نوسازی ترکیه عوامل شکست نوسازی در ایران شد. در تجربه ترکیه به فراهم بودن زمینه های اجتماعی برای نوسازی، توسعه سیاسی و درون زا و از پایین بودن نوسازی تاکید شده است؛ اما در ایران مهم ترین عوامل واگرا براساس ترکیب شروط علی، درون زا نبودن نوسازی، وجودنداشتن توسعه سیاسی و فراهم نبودن و مغایرت زمینه ای و محتوای پروژه نوسازی با متن و بافت جامعه ایران بود که سبب شکست این پروژه و وقوع انقلاب اسلامی شد. نوآوری این پژوهش در استفاده از روش تطبیقی - تاریخی براساس فن جبر بولی است.

    کلیدواژگان: نوسازی، شکست نوسازی، توسعه درون زا، زمینه های اجتماعی، توسعه سیاسی، تحلیل کیفی تاریخی - تطبیقی، جبر بولی، تحلیل روایتی
  • زهره بخشی نظر، علی محمد قدسی*، اسماعیل بلالی صفحات 91-108

    پوشش کنشی اجتماعی (همانند کنش های اجتماعی دیگر) است که از کم و کیف و محتوای جامعه تاثیر می گیرد. گونه شناسی پوشش طیفی است که گونه های مختلف پوشش را در بر می گیرد. این گونه ها طبق انگیزه های پوششی افراد در معرض تاثیر و در ارتباط با عوامل اجتماعی شکل می گیرد. در این پژوهش گونه های پوشش زنان شهر همدان و عوامل اجتماعی موثر و مرتبط با آنها بررسی شده اند. روش پژوهش پیمایشی و جامعه آماری شامل همه زنان 18 تا 50 ساله ساکن شهر همدان است. ابزار گردآوری اطلاعات در مرحله اکتشافی برای تعیین گونه های پوشش و انواع آن، مصاحبه با 40 زن بوده است. بعد از مشخص شدن این گونه ها پرسش نامه ای برای بررسی ارتباط متغیرها با این گونه ها ساخته شد. حجم نمونه شامل 335 زن است که با فرمول کوکران محاسبه و با روش نمونه گیری طبقه ای متناسب انتخاب شده است. یافته های پژوهش نشان می دهند گونه‎ شناسی پوشش زنان شهر همدان دربرگیرنده چهار گونه پوششی راحت طلب، عفت طلب، نمایش طلب و همسرطلب است. یافته های آزمون فرضیه های پژوهش نشان می‎ دهند بین هر چهار گونه پوششی زنان با تاثیرپذیری از گروه همالان، تاثیرپذیری از انتظارات دیگران مهم، اشتهار و اعتباربخشی مالی، میزان اوقات فراغت، وضعیت تاهل، تمایل به جذب جنس مخالف برای ازدواج و پیروی از اعتقادات همسر روابط معنی داری وجود دارد.

    کلیدواژگان: گونه های پوشش، انتظارات دیگران مهم، اشتهار و اعتباربخشی مالی، تمایل به جذب جنس مخالف برای ازدواج، سرمایه جنسی
  • حجیه بی بی رازقی نصرآباد*، زینب حسینی صفحات 109-134
    این مقاله به تجربه زیسته زنان شاغل از ترکیب نقش های شغلی- خانوادگی می پردازد. مطالعه از نوع کیفی است و داده ها از طریق مصاحبه عمیق با 28 زن شاغل دارای فرزند زیر ده سال در تهران جمع آوری شده است. یافته های این پژوهش در قالب دو مقوله هسته، - هشت خرده مضمون و 19 مفهوم است که از 580 عبارت استخراج شده است. یافته ها نشان داد مادران شاغل در این مطالعه به دلیل داشتن حداقل یک فرزند زیر 10 سال که نیازمند مراقبت و حمایت بیشتری است، دستیابی به فرصتها را در عین مواجهه با مشکلات تجربه کرده اند. در بعد محدودیتها و مسائل، جوهره مشترک تجربه آنها تعارض درک شده کار و خانواده است. در این موقعیت درک آنها از محیط خانواده نسبتا حمایتی، محیط کار بی تفاوتی و تقابلی، محیط اجتماع حمایت اجتماعی پایین بوده است. اقداماتی که زنان برای کاهش تعارض انجام داده اند، عمدتا فردی بوده که نتیجه ان نوعی سازگاری اجباری نامطلوب با زیر طبقات احساس قربانی شدن خود و یا همسر و فرزند، تلاش مضاعف برای جبران کم کاری ها، کاهش باروری و کاهش کنش اجتماعی مسئولانه است. ساختارهای اجتماعی کمتر حمایتی، باعث شده مادران شاغل علی رغم احساس خرسندی از توانمندی و مفید بودن به دلیل انجام نقشهای چندگانه، کمتر از فواید اشتغال در بیرون از منزل به نفع خود بهره ببرند. نتایج مطالعه کاربردهای زیادی در سیاستگزاری برای تسهیل ترکیب کار و امور خانه و افزایش مشارکت زنان در فعالیت های اقتصادی و پیشبرد اهداف توسعه ای کشور خواهد داشت.
    کلیدواژگان: تعارض نقش، اشتغال، مادری، باروری، سازگاری اجتماعی نامطلوب
  • مهناز فرهمند*، زهره رضوانی صفحات 135-154
    هدف اصلی پژوهش حاضر بررسی نقش ساختار خانواده بر عملکرد آن در خانواده های چند همسری و تک همسری در شهر زاهدان است. روش تحقیق از نوع پیمایش و چارچوب نظری ترکیبی از نظریات بلاد و ولف، بات و الگوی مک مستر است. جامعه آماری شامل کلیه خانواده های شهر زاهدان است. شیوه نمونه گیری برای خانواده های تک همسر نمونه گیری خوشه ای - چند مرحله ای (250نفر) و برای خانواده های چند همسر روش نمونه گیری گلوله برفی (148نفر) است، که داده ها با ابزار پرسشنامه جمع آوری شد. نتایج بیان گر این است که عملکرد خانواده ها برحسب سن، مذهب، تحصیلات زنان، متفاوت است. خانواده های تک همسر عملکرد بهتری از خانواده های چند همسردارند و بین متغیر ساختار خانواده و عملکرد خانواده رابطه معناداری وجود دارد و این رابطه به شکل منفی و معکوس بوده است، خانواده هایی که عملکرد بهتری داشته اند ساختار مبتنی بر اقتدار در آنها کمتر مشاهده شده و خانواده هایی که ساختار آنها سنتی است عملکرد ضعیف تری دارند. نتایج تحلیل معادلات ساختاری نیز نشان داد که، مهم ترین معرف های سازه ی مکنون ساختار خانواده ابعاد تصمیم گیری و قدرت بوده اند، ضمن اینکه مهم ترین معرف های سازه ی مکنون عملکرد خانواده، عملکرد رفتاری و تعاملی بوده است و میزان تاثیر ساختار خانواده بر عملکرد خانواده،75/0- است که نشان دهنده ی رابطه ی معکوس و بسیار قوی بین این دو متغیر است؛ یعنی افزایش ساختار سنتی خانواده باعث کاهش عملکرد مثبت در خانواده ها شده است.
    کلیدواژگان: ساختار خانواده، عملکرد، تک همسری، چند همسری
  • فاطمه سورانی، مصطفی احمدوند* صفحات 155-174

    پژوهش حاضر با هدف تحلیل رفتار مدیریت مصرف مواد غذایی و عوامل موثر بر آن در خانوارهای ساکن در بخش مرکزی شهرستان نجف‏آباد انجام شد. براساس جدول بارتلت و همکاران (2001)، 197 خانوار روستایی و 208 خانوار شهری به منزله نمونه آماری تعیین و به روش نمونه‏گیری طبقه‏ای با انتساب متناسب پیمایش شدند. نتایج نشان دهنده نکویی برازش ترکیب دو نظریه فعال‏سازی هنجار و رفتار برنامه‏ریزی‏شده در تبیین رفتار مدیریت مصرف مواد غذایی است. رفتار مدیریت مصرف مواد غذایی در نمونه های روستایی و شهری وضعیت مطلوبی داشت. در نمونه روستایی، قصد رفتاری و کنترل رفتاری درک‏شده و در نمونه شهری علاوه بر این دو، نگرش نیز اثر مستقیم و معنی‏داری بر رفتار مدیریت مصرف مواد غذایی داشت. نگرش به ضایعات، هنجار اخلاقی، هنجار اجتماعی، احساس گناه، انتساب درونی و آگاهی از مشکل در هر دو جامعه اثر غیرمستقیم و معنی‏داری بر رفتار مدیریت مصرف مواد غذایی داشتند.

    کلیدواژگان: انگیزه نوع‏دوستانه، ضایعات غذایی، مدیریت مصرف، مصرف پایدار، مصرف‏گرایی
  • سمیه حقی*، زهره نجفی اصل صفحات 175-190
    خانواده نخستین نهاد اجتماعی است که در جریان اعتیاد به طور مستقیم آسیب می بیند. اعتیاد در بیشتر موارد با مرد به خانواده وارد و با ابتلای دیگر اعضا ازجمله مادر و فرزندان در خانواده تثبیت می شود. با تثبیت اعتیاد در خانواده و آسیب پذیری فرزندان، خسارت های جبران ناپذیری بر کیان خانواده وارد می شود که یکی از آنها، بی ثباتی هویتی فرزندان است. پژوهش حاضر درباره بی ثباتی هویتی فرزندان در جریان اعتیاد والدین ازنظر جامعه شناسی مطالعه کرده است. بدین منظور تعداد 40 نفر از خانواده های درگیر مسئله اعتیاد برای نمونه انتخاب شدند. اطلاعات مدنظر با مصاحبه گردآوری و با استفاده از نظریه بنیانی تحلیل شدند. نتایج نشان دادند عواملی مانند دریافت نکردن حمایت عاطفی ازسوی خانواده، بی اعتنایی والدین، انتقال حس تحقیر به فرزندان، مقایسه والدین معتاد با دیگران، بی مسئولیتی والدین، بهت فرزند از نابسامانی خانواده، گسیختگی روابط فرزندان با والدین و درنهایت، کنترل شدید فرزندان سبب بروز بی ثباتی هویتی در آنها به منزله آسیب جامعه شناختی مهم می شود. برای جبران چنین اثرات نامطلوبی، فرزندان به سه راهبرد حذف مسئله، مقابله ای و ترمیمی تمسک می جویند که نتیجه آن به صورت عوارض روحی، اجتناب از جامعه، بی حوصلگی، تحریک پذیری، بروز خشونت های کلامی و جسمی، بی مسئولیتی همه جانبه ازسوی والدین، محرومیت از امکانات اولیه، حرمان معنوی، رنج ناشی از مقایسه، لجبازی با اعضای خانواده و اعتمادبه نفس تخریب شده در فرزندان بروز می یابد.
    کلیدواژگان: سوء مصرف مواد، خانواده، اعتیاد والدین، طرد از خانواده و جامعه، بی ثباتی هویتی
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  • Yaghoub Ahmadi * Pages 1-22
    Introduction

    Over the past few decades, academic attention has drawn to political participation in democratic and even non-democratic countries. Most of this academic interest is related to the concern and analysis of the eroding levels of civic engagement, the decline in voting, the erosion of public trust in democratic institutions and other symbols, including doubt, pessimism, and distrust of politicians and political parties. In addition, concerns about the erosion of political participation coincided in reality with the emergence of two completely new phenomena; first, the emergence of "unconventional forms of participation" that differ with traditional contributions and its effects in protest, and strike. It finds neither party activity nor participation in elections. The second phenomenon is the emergence of virtual social networks with positive and negative consequences for participation and political and participatory behaviors. Hence, the effect of virtual social networks and cyberspace and social relationships and interactions within this space on civil and political participation in recent years and occurrence of events such as the Arab Spring and the one-percent Movement (in the United States and Europe), are of great importance. In this regard, the present article, considering the importance of online social networking in the prominent and hidden civic and political protests and activities from the late 1980s to the present time, seeks to assess the impact of social capital on online and offline networks on participation the citizens in Sanandaj.

    Material & Methods

    This research is a descriptive correlational with the survey method. A hybrid questionnaire of standard questions about social capital in Williams' virtual and non-virtual space and a researcher-made questionnaire for political participation in two evident dimensions were conducted. A questionnaire based on alpha coefficients for items and formal validity, with appropriate reliability, was distributed among 400 respondents who were selected through multi-stage cluster sampling. Discussion of Results &

    Conclusions

    The descriptive findings of the research indicate that the average political participation was in the medium range. Although the results indicate a more appropriate and higher status of explicit political participation among Sanandaj citizens. The results of the hypothesis test and significance level have also shown that the effect of all four dimensions of social capital (Bonding and Bridging) in virtual and non-virtualization spaces on political participation has been significant. The results of this study also indicated a significant relationship between the bridging social capital and somewhat bonding social capital in the real environment with political participation. In addition, the analytical results of the study indicate the significant effect of presence in cyberspace, especially its Bridging relationships, on the forms of new political participation (latent). In contrast, the existence of real bridging social capital has had a more meaningful relationship with the apparent and conventional form of political participation. However, the empirical results of the present study can be interpreted sociologically so that with the advent of the network society and the virtual social space, the form, content and quality of human interactions, and consequently civil and political actions, undergo remarkable changes. It is difficult and impossible to study and analyze them based on previous theoretical foundations. Hence, in civil and political actions, the term "unconventional participation" by Inglehart and other thinkers (2005, 2009) rightly emphasizes the process in which the kind of civil action from its conventional forms (including presence in parties and hardcore civil action), and the dominant aspect (although today it is only in Western societies) are new forms of civil action based on virtual communication. This is a trend that is expanding with the growth of the network community in developing countries, including Iran. Signs and examples of such a process are in the political and civil activities, in the environmental, water resources, advocacy of Iranian wildlife and clean air protection in Iran and Kurdistan, which have achieved some successes in some cases. There are also protests and strikes of the workers, truckers, marketers, writing protest letters from the guilds, unmarried gatherings, and special events based on the various congregations in different places from Persepolis to the market and the park and passage (Cyrus), among other prominent examples. The changes in the past two years have been in Iran's society and politics, and of course in Kurdistan. From this perspective, it seems that although all the changes cannot be considered by the growth of cyberspace and we explicitly spoke about the importance and positive role of cyberspace in political development and in the present case, political participation and its forms, which is likely to coincide with the growth of media and virtual social networks. A new form of social capital and a new form of trust, especially generalized trust, are shaping for the promotion and development of political participation.

    Keywords: Participation, Political Participation, Social Capital, Outsourcing, Intra-group
  • Nariman Mohammadi, Masoud Kianpour *, Ehsan Aqababaee Pages 23-46
    In this study, we have critically looked into the Iranian Kurds' constructed uppressedness on Facebook. Our theoretical idea is that the logic of virtual capitalism prevailing on Kurdish Facebook- Like in other spaces- is dominant and different ideologies, including nationalism, confiscate various Kurdish-related statuses in their own interests. The research method is virtual critical ethnography and Kurdish Facebook is selected as the study field. Sampling method is Mixed Purposive Sampling (Various sampling techniques such as Network sampling, snowball sampling, and theoretical sampling). Data were obtained from 39 unstructured interviews, field notes and from 8 months of participatory observation, 13 months of non-participatory observation, 6,000 Facebook images and 112 videos posted on Facebook. To analyze the data, we used the Constructivist Grounded Theory method. Findings show that Kurdish uppressedness on Facebook is confiscated by ideology. That is, the ideology of nationalism constructs a form of premordial ethnic euphoria stolen by the Black Other, and finally offers the possibility of reclaiming it. From the nationalistic point of view, emancipation is possible only by following the Facebook subject of ideological ideas of nationalism. Meanwhile, the ideology of nationalism not only does not end the uppressedness, but already reproduces of a new form of uppressedness. Overall, we see birth of uppressedness and Janus of Emancipation in Kurdish Facebook.
    Keywords: Kurdish Facebook, Virtual Capitalism, virtual critical ethnography, uppressedness, Emancipatory
  • Mahbobeh Mahjobi Daryakenari, Ahmad Rezaii *, Sadegh Salehi Pages 47-62
    Introduction

    In each society, people can have a totally responsible or completely irresponsible, medieval behavior with the environment. This wide range of environmental encounters is influenced by countless variables and factors that are mainly related to the individual's social environment (Aghili et al., 2009: 237). Various social in-house researchers have investigated the relationship between variables such as education, tourism, social capital, cultural capital, religion, etc., with environmental behaviors. Although various factors are related to environmental behaviors, but one of the variables that has not been addressed is the study of environmental behaviors among ethnic groups. Although the issue of ethnicity and its diversity in Iran's ethnic, cultural, social and political literature is not new, some of the developments and social movements that have taken place in recent years have caused wider communication and interaction of relatives more and more, and this makes the subject more prominent than before. But apart from these debates, some other developments have also occurred among ethnic groups that could be a warning to the future of Iran. An examination of the results of internal and external research suggests that competition in ethnic groups may be an effective testimony to expanding the understanding of the environment across the population, highlighting the issues that, in the near future of ethnicity, can be one of the most important variables in influencing environmental issues. Therefore, the present study, with the assumption that environmental behaviors among the ethnic groups in Iran are not the same, seeks to compare the environmental behaviors among the three ethnic groups (Azeri, Talesh and Gilak) in the two provinces of Guilan and Ardebil.  Accordingly, the fundamental question raised in this study is: Is there a difference between ethnic Azeri, Gilak, and Talesh groups regarding environmental behaviors?

    Material & Methods

      In this research, the survey method has been used, and according to the nature and subject of the research, the required data were collected through a questionnaire. The statistical population of the study consisted of citizens aged 18 and over in Ardabil, Rasht and Talesh. Based on the data of the year 1395 (2016), there are 1358525 people in the mentioned cities. Using the Cochran formula, 384 samples were obtained which, due to the lack of deficiency in the number of original samples, 391 questionnaires were distributed. The sampling method of the present study was to use a proportional random sampling method of volume size.

    Discussion of Results & Conclusions

    It seems necessary to briefly highlight the main findings of this study that compares environmental behaviors among the Gilak, Talesh, and Azeri individuals: based on the Toki test in which ethnic couples perform comparisons between couples, it has been shown that there is a significant difference between the Azeri and Gilak ethnicities, and in fact, the environmental behaviors of Azeri ethnicity are better and more. It can be concluded that by comparing the environmental attitudes among Azeri ethnic groups with Gilaks, the result is that the environmental attitudes of the Azeri ethnic group with Gilaks have a significant difference, that is, the environmental attitudes of Azeri ethnicity are better and more. Therefore, in analyzing this finding, it can be said that considering the better ecological attitudes of Azeri ethnicity than Gilaks, the environmental behaviors of the Azeri people are better than Gilaks. But, the results of the factor analysis indicate that the Gilak ethnicity with a coefficient of 17% has the highest coefficient of determination, which means that the variables in the research account for 17% of the dependent variable. Environmental attitudes are considered as influential variables in environmental behaviors. Since attitudes and beliefs represent commitment, we can say that they are echoing our behavior and actions, so an individual who has an environmental orientation tends to behave in ways to protect and maintain the environment. Also, the findings of the research show that there is no significant difference between the behaviors of the Azeri ethnic ecosystem support and the efforts. In fact, there are no significant differences between the two ethnic groups in terms of environmental attitudes, environmental awareness and cultural capital. Another finding from the Toki test between environmental and ethnicity behaviors is that there is a significant difference between the average behaviors of the Gilak ethnic environment and the effort. In other words, Gilak ethnicity support behaviors have a significant difference in comparison with the Talesh ethnic group. In fact, the environmental behaviors of the Gilak ethnicity are more and more successful. Therefore, by examining the environmental attitudes between the two sides of Talesh and Gilak, this important finding was obtained that the environmental attitudes are different between them. In fact, the ecological attitude of Talesh ethnic group is a better and more endearing endeavor than the Gilak ethnicity.

    Keywords: environmental behaviors, Ethnic groups, Cultural Capital, Environmental Attitudes, Environmental awareness
  • Arash Hasanpour, Vahid Hasanpour, Majd Kafi * Pages 63-90

    Introduction

    This research studies the reasons for the failure of the modernization project in Iran (Pahlavi era) and its comparison with the modernization process of Turkey. In fact, this research seeks to answer the question why a similar process in the two countries produced different results and outcomes; that is, the modernization project in Iran in the first Pahlavi era failed, and Turkey has made the path of modernization, with several ups and downs. This study, in a comparative historical context, attempts to present a scientific response to this historical failure. In this study, it is believed that the 1979 Islamic Revolution can be seen as a sign of the failure of the modernization project in contemporary Iran. Michel Foucault's theory has helped and guided the discussion of this research. According to Foucault, the Revolution of Iranian people’s movement in 1979 is the failure of the linear modernization based on modernity. He believes that the process of modernization and pattern development in Iran failed and Pahlavi regime failed to achieve its goals during the modernization process (Foucault, 2006: 28-25). This can be proved through citing the evidence before and after the Revolution. In other words, the Islamic Revolution defined its existence in the negation and dismissal of a regime, which based on theoretical models of imports especially the patterns of modernist development, and based on the style of the West, set its long-term strategy regardless of the indigenous and socio-cultural conditions of the society. It has sought to impose a kind of quasi-westernized and pseudo-modernist model on the economic, political, social and cultural affiliations of the country. The occurrence of the Islamic Revolution showed that the Iranian society will not endure such a process. By presenting these premises and assumptions, it can be said that the question here is why the two Iranian-Turkish societies, at the same period of time, sharing the same interests in the fields of geographical, cultural and civilization, took steps to develop and modernize, but reached different outcomes. To put it differently, why has Atatürk succeeded in promoting the development and modernization of the Turkish community, and Reza Shah and Pahlavi Dynasty did not achieve their ultimate goal? In other words, the pattern of modernization in Turkey did not faced inclusive social mobilization and all-round resistance, but in Iran, the modernization project failed in Pahlavi I and II government with the advent of the Revolution.

    Material and Methods 

     The method of this study is comparative historical in nature. It is a qualitative method, the subject of which is a particular historical event (Saeed, 204: 2008). In this method, historical interpretive analysis and explicit (legal) analysis are present simultaneously (Sa'ei, 2011). In the historical interpretation analysis, the event is being studied in its own social context and analyzed with the help of the theory; but in analyzing the explanation that is causal, it is tried to analyze the case with the presence of causal conditions at the level of macro-social units. It should be noted that in this epistemological framework and the methodology of the variables is timely and cohesive and the names of countries and nations are important as variables or categories (in this study: Iran and Turkey are on a specific time). This analysis analyzes historical interpretation and explanatory analysis simultaneously and analyzes the reason and the explanatory level as a causal combination and a combination of different causal conditions. In general, this method is based on the assumption that events are complicated and it finds a methodological requirement to understand this historical method and the basic law of obligations. It should also be added that comparative historical analysis (based on historical epistemic propositions) receives interpretative sufficiency from the historical method and explanatory sufficiency from the method of the basic law.

    Discussion of Results & Conclusion 

    Consequently, the result of these events is the emergence of the Islamic Revolution which, in the theory of thinkers such as Michel Foucault, can be regarded as a failure of the project of modernization (in Iran); something that did not happen in the same experience of Turkey and modernization did not face widespread social-political mobilization. Thus, the theory did not have the potentiality to illustrate this research. It is believed that modernization was achieved at the economic (modernization of industry and technology, agriculture, services and change in labor force) and cultural levels during Pahlavi I era, but it remained politically inferior. The study of the components of the types and forms of development mentioned in the theoretical part shows that development in Iran during Pahlavi era has a foreign policy and an external orientation and is not the result of an internal function of the social system. Therefore, this modernization has an imitating form which has developed unevenly. This disproportion is due to the disproportionality of cultural modernization with the traditional context of Iranian society. The cultural modernization has also activated social and cultural gaps in the society, which provided the context for the political transformations of the fifties. On the other hand, social modernization has been achieved through the concentration of power and tools and institutions of power. Modernization in Iran during first Pahlavi era has been as a project without political development including components such as political participation and competition, strong civil society, and accountability of the government. Pahlavi I reformations lacked inner logic and was from above. In fact, it was a kind of fake, inherently contradictory, discrete, and incoherent modernization. It was mentioned that this fake experience of modernity and semi-modernity was transmitted to other countries around the world and especially to Iran in an imperfect, superficial, and ideological way. Pseudo-modernization has also taken place within the framework of dependency relations and has not fundamentally changed the existing social, political, economic, and political structures in Iran. Consequently, not only it did not solve the crises and reached a modern and developed society, but also at the political level caused dissatisfaction and the occurrence of the 1979 Islamic Revolution and the failure of the modernization program. In general, it can be said that the assumptions such as the lack of endogenous social contexts, the lack of political development, which implies the failure of the modernization project as westernizing the construction of the Iranian society is confirmed in an interpretative and explanatory framework in this research and these findings are consistent with the experimental findings of this study.

    Keywords: modernization, Failure of Modernization, Endogenous Development, social context, political development, Comparative Historical Qualitative Research, Boolean Algebra, Narrative Analysis
  • Zohreh Bakhshi, Nazar, Ali Mohammad Ghodsi *, Esmaeel Balali Pages 91-108
    Introduction 

    Covering as a social action, like other social actions, in a society is influenced by some social factors. Social actor consciously uses a type of covering to influence other actors. Covering, then, as a social action is done by some social factors that form its meaning and content. A typology of covering includes a range of covering types that distinguishes quality of covering according to individuals’ motives and intentions in the forms of different covering types. Society as a container and culture as a content provide these covering types for individuals. This research attempts to study a typology of covering according to some social factors related to its types in Hamadani women. There are two fundamental questions that this research is going to answer them. First, how is woman typology of covering in Hamadan? And second, what are some social factors that form this typology and its constituent types?  

    Material & Methods

    The study method is survey and its population includes all Hamadani women aged 18-50. For gathering information in exploratory stage, 40 women were interviewed with a specified covering range and its types. For studying relationships between research variables and the covering types, a questionnaire was designed after specifying covering types. A sample of 335 women who were selected by proportionate stratified sampling has been estimated through Cochran formula. The collected data were analyzed by frequency tables, x2 test, Cramer V, and contingency tables.  

    Discussion of Results & Conclusions

    The research finding shows there is a covering range of Hamadani women including four covering types: comfort-intensive type, modesty-intensive type, exhibition-intensive type, and husband-intensive type. Hypotheses findings show that there are meaningful relationships between every four covering types such as influence from peer group, influence from expectations of significant others, financial reputation and prestige, amount of leisure time, following husband believes, attracting opposite sex for marriage, and marital status. Based on the above-mentioned relationships between the four covering types and their related social factors, findings suggest that husband-intensive type takes the most influence from peer groups. Peer groups and their social actions influence attitudes towards women type of covering. Peer groups act as a looking glass that women look themselves into it. Women covering types of husband-intensive and exhibition-intensive are influenced respectively by expectations of significant others. Significant others and some expectations created by them cause behavioral norms and patterns for women clothing. Findings also show that both covering types of husband-intensive and exhibition-intensive have the most relationship with financial reputation and prestige. Having high social status is a sign of wealth and reputation. It seems that some happened social changes during the last decades in Iran have created a kind of exhibitive society in which women use clothing as a symbol for showing their social statuses.  Covering types of husband-intensive and exhibition-intensive have the most relationship with leisure time, too. It follows that in an exhibitive society, having more leisure time is related to some types of coverings. Another finding indicates that a majority of unmarried women have a husband-intensive type of covering for attracting husband. These women try to increase their erotic capital through their covering. It also follows that for these women clothing means the more erotic capital, the more chance of finding a husband. Finally, the research finding suggest that women with covering type of exhibitive-intensive and modesty-intensive have the most relationship with their husband believes. Covering types of these women, then, are influenced by their husband believes, whether secular beliefs or religious ones. Findings of this research on women typology of clothing and its related social factors indicate that, as a whole, there are different types of covering in a society that form a range of covering types for it, and these covering types are influenced by some social factors.

    Keywords: Covering Types, Expectations of Significant Others, Financial Reputation, Prestige, Attracting for Marriage, Erotic Capital
  • Hajiieh Bibi Razeghi Nasrabad *, ZEINAB HOSSEINI Pages 109-134
    This article focuses on the experience of employed women's lives from the combination of native roles with employee roles. The required data were collected through in-depth interviews with 28 married women with children lower 10 years of age in Tehran city in 2017. The findings are in the form of two core categories, eight sub-themes and 19 concepts that have been extracted from 580 words. The findings showed that employed mothers, due to having at least one child less than 10 years of age who needed more care and support. Their common sense of combination of work and family is perceived conflict between work and family. In this situation, their understanding of the family environment is relatively supportive; the workplace is indifferent and contradictory, the community environment is the low social support. The strategies women use to reduce conflicts are mostly individual, and the result of this is a form of compulsory adaptation with the under categories of the feeling of sacrifice (self or spouse and child), double-effort to compensate for remaining work, reduce fertility, and reduce responsible social responses. Despite the pleasure of employed mothers to feel empowered and helpful because of multiple roles, less supportive structures make them less likely to benefit from out-of-home employment. The study's results are widely used in policy making to facilitate the combination of work and home affairs and increase the participation of women in economic activities and promote the country's development goals.
    Keywords: Role conflict, employment, Motherhood, Fertility, Undesirable social adaptation
  • Mahnaz Farahmand *, Zohre Rezvani Pages 135-154
  • Fatemeh Soorani, Mostafa Ahmadvand * Pages 155-174
    Introduction

    According to the latest report by the Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations (FAO) in 2017, the number of chronically undernourished people in the world has been estimated to have increased from 777 million in 2016 to 815 million. The majority (489 million) of these individuals live in countries struggling with conflict, violence, and fragility (FAO, 2018). Asia also has the highest rate of chronic malnutrition, which is often suffered under the influence of the killings, insecurities, displacements and homelessness as a result of the imposed war. With increasing hunger and malnutrition in the world, especially in the affected countries, understanding the need for food security becomes clearer (FAO, 2017). Based on this, ending hunger and all forms of malnutrition is possible with integrated actions to achieve this critical goal. One of the preventive approaches to improve food security and nutrition is the reduction of food waste. According to statistics provided by FAO (2017: 1), the number of undernourished population in Iran from 2014 to 2016 is 4.5 million people. That is while, based on FAO's recent report, from 1.3 billion tons of food wasted annually at the global level; Iran is responsible for 2.7%, which is equal to about 35 million tons of the total sum. Most food waste of Iranians is bread, fruit, vegetables and rice (FAO, 2018). Therefore, reducing food waste is one of the necessary measures to minimize the negative economic, social, and environmental consequences of these wastes and to ensure food security for the malnourished population as well as the growing global population for sustainable development. Many studies have shown that consumer food waste is affected by attitudes, subjective norms, perceived behavioral control, and emotions (Stefan et al., 2013; Stancu et al., 2016; Secondi et al., 2015; Graham-Rowe et al., 2015; Bruinessen, 2018; Yaqub, 2016). Hence, the uses of behavioral models have widely increased in different studies, in particular consumer waste behavior analysis that can lead to a better understanding of the determinants of the behavior of food consumption management. Accordingly, the present study was conducted to analyze the food consumption management behavior and its influencing factors in households in central of Najaf Abad County.

     Material & Methods 

    The statistical population of this study was all rural and urban households in central district of Najaf Abad County. The statistical sample of the study includes one person from each household aged 15-64, who is responsible for at least half of the cooking, shopping (effective in buying households) and managing their own homes in Najaf Abad County. Since women were responsible in all of the sample cases, they formed all respondents except one. Regarding the characteristics of the statistical population, stratified proportional random sampling method was applied. Sample size (405 households) was determined using the Bartlett et al.’s (2001) table, 197 households of which were rural and 208 households were urban. The research instrument was a researcher-made questionnaire whose face validity was confirmed by a panel of experts and the reliability of the Likert scales of the questionnaire was also evaluated by conducting a pilot test study in a region outside the study area through calculating the Cronbach's alpha coefficient (0.50-0.90).

      Discussion of Results & Conclusions

    The results showed that the food consumption management behavior in rural and urban samples was in desirable level. In addition, the results showed the adequacy of the combined model of the Norm Activation Model (NAM) and Theory of Planned Behavior (TPB) in predicting food consumption management behavior of the participants. The results of direct and indirect effects of independent variables of the integrated model on food consumption management behavior showed that in rural part, behavioral intention and perceived behavioral control, and in the urban one, besides of these two factors, also the attitude towards food waste had direct and significant effect on food consumption management behavior. Furthermore, attitude towards food waste, moral norms, social norms, guilty feeling, internal attribution and awareness of the problem in both targeted areas, had indirect and significant effects on food consumption management behavior. In rural sample, the variable of perceived behavioral control generally had the highest total causal effect on food consumption management behavior, which indicated the high importance of this construct. The most indirect effect on behavior was related to the attitude variable. The perceived behavioral control in urban sample, like rural sample, had the highest effect on behavior. However, in rural sample, this variable, in addition to its direct effect, had an indirect effect through the mediating variable of intention of behavior, while the total causal effect of the perceived behavioral control in the urban sample had only direct effect on the behavior. In urban sample, like rural sample, the most significant effect after perceived behavioral control was related to attitude.

    Keywords: Altruistic Motivation, Food Waste, Consumption Management, Sustainable Consumption, Consumerism
  • Somayeh Haghi *, Zohreh Najafi, Asl Pages 175-190
    Introduction
    The increasing prevalence of drug addiction and drug abuse in the country and increasing incidence of infectious diseases, including women and youth, are the problems that has engulfed the minds in today's societies. The tendency to substance abuse is influenced by several factors, one of which is the family environment. The family is the earliest social institution that is directly harmed in the course of addiction. Accordingly, any change in the family system can be regarded as a change in the path of socialization of the individual which can change the way of life of the individual. Addiction often enters the family with a man and is affiliated with other members, including the mother and the children in the family. With the persistence of addiction in the family and the vulnerability of children, there are irreparable consequences for the family, one of which is the destabilization of the identity of the children. Material &
    Methods
    The present sociological study aimed studying the instability of children's identity in the course of their parents' addiction. To this end, families whose mother and father or parents were involved in drug abuse (and in the field of addiction) were selected as samples of the study. The sample of the study consisted of 40 (children with parent or addicted parents and mothers with addicted children and wives). Sample selection until theoretical saturation and the continuation of the interviews did not add a new point to the research. It was continued until we considered the possibility of reaching the theoretical saturation with an example of 40 people. Due to the novelty of the subject and low amount of research in this regard, the present study is carried out qualitatively using the Grounded theory method. Discussion of Results &
    Conclusions
     The results indicate that factors such as lack of emotional support from the family, parents' neglect, humiliation of their children, comparison of addicted parents with others, irresponsibility of parents, child abuse from family disruption, failure of bonding relationships between children and parents, and eventually severe control of children lead to the emergence of identity instability in them, which is an important sociological impairment. In order to compensate for such adverse effects, children have three strategies for eliminating, coping, and recovering the problem, resulting in psychological complications, avoidance of society, impatience, irritability, verbal and physical violence, total irresponsibility of the parents, the deprivation of the basic facilities, spiritual immorality, suffering caused by the comparison, the compliment with the family members, and the destruction of self-confidence in children. According to findings from families with a parent or addicted parents, children are not emotionally, socially and economically protected, and they face irresponsibility and neglect from their parents. They face a certain sense of permanent loss in their everyday lives and relationships, in which the existence of dichotomies duplicates the issue. The child, on the one hand, recognizes the father as a kind of affection, but on the other hand, his criminal character and the concern to keep his father's addiction together with peers bring him with concern and tension. In this case, by comparing your parents with others, a sense of humility towards the parents is formed in him, which results in the child being in disarray over the family, because he sees himself in some way as a victim of unwanted conditions intensify day by day. The exacerbation of this situation has created a lasting stagnation in their family relationships, which is the cause of the destabilization of the identity of the children. In this case, the children, in addition to being individually aware of their identity and understanding, will not be able to establish social relationships that are effective in the society, and despite their poor family conditions, they are forced to avoid being present in the community. S/he resorts to applying various strategies such as eliminating, confronting, or compromising this phenomenon.
    Keywords: drug abuse, Family, Parental Addiction, Exclusion from Family, Society, Identity Instability