نشریه جستارهای سیاسی معاصر
سال دهم شماره 2 (پیاپی 32، تابستان 1398)

Today, the use of soft media and cyber power is one of the strategic goals of governments inside and outside to create cultural and social changes and achieve the desired goals. As a result, new communication media as strategic tools of "soft power" have become one of the most important components of the superiority of political and cultural domination. In the years since the revolution, the Islamic Republic of Iran has been subject to a variety of satellite and cyberspace programs that have led to the creation of events and changes in various political and social issues in the country. The question is, how has modern media and soft power been used in this confrontation, and what are the implications and changes in social and political aspects? What we are looking for in this research is that by identifying these events and changes, the most important tools of soft power,how to operate, the sensitive points of impact and the consequences of using these tools in the social, political and security of Iran. In our opinion "transmodernism" and "postmodern methodology" with emphasis on such components as "the collapse of certainties", "deconstruction", "attention to different kinds of power, identity and discourse" and "fluid and devoid of centered figurative" Describes its power and networking "with the results of the" Cyber-Space Communications Revolution ". Therefore, using this method in this research and similar studies is appropriate for "realizing" and better explaining "diverse and multifaceted realities" and for the loss of security fences and Accustomed traditions.The findings of this study have confirmed that cyberspace and satellite networks have made profound and extensive changes in Iran's social, cultural and political context, which require them to have specific strategies for governance andpolicymaking.

In this paper has been tried by us to examine the characteristics of the cabinet of ministers and heads of Governments of the Islamic Republic of Iran from the year 1981 until the end of June 2019. (During this term totally 5 chief of state and 262 minister were responsible for the administration affairs of the country to make major and strategic decisions) and answer these questions that what social dignity such as literacy, expertise, and social class the ruling elites in Iran in any period did they have? And with what social, economic and cultural class were they related? And what changing this social base of executors did it have? The research method in this paper is documentary method using library and field data and interviewing, extracting content  is from archives and sites and analyzing them.The findings of this study provide useful information about the experience and background of the ministry, age, gender, measure and level of education, the type of relationship between their Specialty field and management sphere, their place of study, job and source of income, father's job and source of family and class of Iran's political elite, study the place of birth, the environment of growth and residence, as well as the ethnic origin to researchers to analyze the causes of weaknesses and strengths of government and its effectiveness in promoting national affairs and interests.

After the Islamic Revolution, on the existing rival discourses,  a unique socio-political system was formulated called the Islamic republic of Iran. The newly emerged system of Iran got shaped and continued on a gradual trend, in a base of identity and other-making relations and in the shade of the hegemony of many (sub)discourses. Finding a proportional level of convergence, compromise and reconciliation between the existing and effective forces and sub-discourses has always been a fundamental concern. Because discourses define themselves in opposition to other discourses and see their survival and power extension in the rejection of rival discourses. This form of conflict has imposed heavy charges on the country and can bring the future of the political system a serious risk. This paper, having a futurist and pathological approach, aims to address this question “which mechanisms and patterns do the dominant political discourses in the I.R. of Iran use to reach reconciliation with internal and external others and extend them to the socio-political area”. This paper proposes a theoretical model and combines the semiotics with the idea of other - making frontiers in Chantal Mouffe and Ernesto Laclau’s democracy and Colleen Murphy’s theory of political reconciliation and believes as far as the level of other-making in the post-revolutionary socio-political system gets thinner,  a suitable framework for recognizing discourses by each other and transitioning from Antagonism to Agonism has been provided.

Different approaches to political theory, should be seen as reflection of the contemporary changes in attitudes of thinkers towards epistemological and methodological situation of the philosophy, science, and politics. Quarrels about the political theory, are also the same quarrels about those issues through 20th century and fairly in recent two decades. In this situation, we can find a spectre of approaches in which, on the one side "political theory" is considered as a paradoxical term that is not actually possible at all, and on the other side, it is necessary for political life. But, what matters today, and is the aim of this article too, is that by the end of domination of positivism on the political knowledge, and polemical reactions to it, how we can improve the efficacy of political theorizing by the careful examination of strengths and weaknesses of the contemporary approaches to the political theory.

The relation between human beings with society and state, which in today's political literature is relative to the citizen with the state (political citizenship), Is defined differently in different political systems. The most important discussion in this ratio, relates to the rights and duties of the two sides that the state and the citizen are in relation to each other. The basis for differences in the views of various political systems in the conception of this relationship is due to a view of the individual, society and state. In the two political systems based on Western democracy and the system based on religious democracy, this difference of opinion is quite evident; although there are similarities in many cases. The main question of the research is that what is the difference between the citizen's relationship with the state in the two systems of Western democracy and religious democracy? The research hypothesis is that the ratio of citizen to state in the classical Western system was based on the virtues and duties of citizens towards the state; but in the modern Western system, due to the centrality of individuality in society, the ratio of citizens to the state is focused on the rights that a citizen has in relation to the state. On the other hand, the proportion of citizen with the state in the system of religious democracy is based on faith and is formed in that relationship between the citizen and the state based on the right and duty system, the main purpose of which is spirituality and proximity to God.

One of the reasons for the end of colonialism in the Middle East was to raise of nationalist sentiment. Egypt was the leading nationalist program in the Arab world. Nationalism in Syria and Iraq was emerged in the form of the Ba'ath Party and military leaders. But this nationalist claim in the Middle East could not create achievements that make in the West. If we ignore the depth and sociality of this nationalist claim, we should admit the achievements of nationalism made national states with the new geopolitical background in the region. Just the most prominent accomplishment of nationalism was the new political boundaries in the Middle East. This research seeks to study this hypothesis; that nationalism couldn't bring national identity for the Middle East, which based on that, the process of nation-state making, national unity and political stability in the region would happen and persist. For this reason, Arab nations have shifted away from nationalism to fundamentalism, not for nation-state or reform of political structures, but for obtaining a new and different identity from the national identity and to compensate for the inherited failures of the past. On the other words, in the new approach in the Middle East, which fundamentalism and violence are its key tools, the national identity is still buried in ambiguity, and territorial borders are also in danger of fundamental collapse. In this paper, Social Identity Theory is used to identify fundamentalist groups, especially ISIS.