مجله دانش سیاسی
سال شانزدهم شماره 1 (پیاپی 31، بهار و تابستان 1399)

The relationship between law and political governance in contemporary Iran (The nineteenth century and constitutional age)AbstractLaw was one of the most important and influential concepts of Iran in the nineteenth century and the constitutional era in such a way that no less treatise or work at that time insisted on the law. Iranian tendency to law at that time was aimed at reforming and strengthening political rule and reducing the irregularities of the Qajar dictatorship because the condition of Iran in that time was too irregular and there were lots of issues in the different sections of society. The purpose of this study is to analyze and review such a historical background while insisting on the necessity of expanding the indigenous and internal discourse on the issue of governance, and to become aware of the first proposals of Iranian on correct governance. The present study raises the fundamental question, "How was the effect of the law on the patterns of governance proposed by Iranian intellectuals?" Document analysis is used to investigate this issue. In addition to analyzing the works of nineteenth-century intellectuals, the process of their tendency to law and their proposals have been studied using the theory of crisis. With such an approach, it can be said that the Iranian intellectuals tried to propose a new political rule due to the unfavorable situation of the Qajar era and the confrontation with the modern world. To this end, two models of governance were devised by Iranian intellectuals, including the regular monarchy the constitutional monarchy. The findings of the study indicate that Iranian intellectuals considered the law as an end to the country's irregularities, but the position, origin, and authority of the law differed in their proposed patterns.

The Weakness of Quantitative Research in Political Science Research IranIn the field of political science research in Iran, a shortage of field and quantitative studies is evident. Especially if we compare this field with the social sciences, educational sciences and psychology, which are other branches of the applied sciences, we will come to the conclusion that the amount of library, descriptive and inexperienced studies in this field is very high. The main reasons for the lack of empirical studies in the field of political science in Iran are related to: 1) Lack of sufficient material and intellectual support from the scientific and academic institutions of researchers 2 - Confidentiality of information in many research disciplines in this field 3 - Difficulty of gathering field information from the target community Review of Political Research 4 - Difficulty Adapting Experimental Research Methods to Political Science 5 - The weaknesses of the empirical methods in the books are related to the method of political research and the incompleteness of the teaching.The author seeks to prove the hypothesis that, despite the increase in field studies in political science in recent years and the acceptance of scientific and research publications for the publication of such studies, there is still insufficient motivation for field research in political science. Quantitative research in political science has also been conducted mostly through research projects with the support of government agencies and bodies, and its results are not disclosed to other researchers because of confidentiality. Take it.The method of study would be that by examining articles published in the field of political science their quantitative-qualitative research ratio will be measured over a period of time. To better understand this ratio, a similar study is being conducted in another field of humanities (psychology) to compare this ratio in two disciplines.Political science research, quantitative research, field research, empirical methods, qualitative research.

Creating parties in the political space of countries is very necessary. Parties are important in the field of elections because they reflect the political orientation and practical direction of the political system. The present study is an attempt to analyze the intellectual and paradigmatic foundations of two post-revolutionary parties (jomhoori eslami, kargozaran). The statistical population of the study is all parties registered in the Ministry until 1397. The two parties were elected according to elite opinion. The method of analysis is qualitative content analysis by maxqdo 12 software. The results show that the interpretive paradigm has a greater share in kargozaran party and And the critical paradigm has greater share in jomhoori eslami party. We also see the absence of a program based on a particular paradigm within the party, but also a mix of paradigmatic elements (interpretive, critical, interpretive) in the formulation of party agendas. 

Some students may think that method section/chapter is not very important because in this chapter some anthological, epistemological and methodological accounts repeatedly will be discussed. However, among academics the methodology section/chapter is one of the most important section of a research. One of the main reasons to put ‘research method’ section or chapter in dissertations or articles is to achieve ‘replicability’, ‘transparency’ and ‘validity’ in empirical studies. This chapter/section needs to outline several issues such as research design, sampling approach, access, the nature of applied method such as interview or observation, coding frame, and analyzing method (Bryman 2012: 687). If the research method is not fully and appropriately clarified, the findings of research can be easily questioned or dismissed. This paper, with the general aim of exploring some aspects of ‘research methods in dissertations’ especially in political science and international relations, in a case study, examines the ‘methodology section or chapter’ in faculty of World Studies’ dissertations in the University of Tehran. This paper also is designed to examine the extent in which students tend to use empirical studies. In doing so, this paper by using quantitative content analysis, selected 137 master and PhD dissertations (out of 453) from different groups, languages and years to examine their tendencies towards empirical researches. Based on four key and common elements of research method section: the data collection procedures, study design, selection of participants, and the planned data analysis or analytic strategy (Fox and Jennings 2014: 137) it assesses how students clarify their research methods and how they applied these methods in practice. The findings of this research shows that 26 per cent of dissertations were carried out using empirical research methods which in comparison with previous figures, around 6 per cent (Delavari 1385: 118) and around 12 per cent (Seyed Emami 1389: 145), is a good achievement.

Despite the fact that the US has been always present in the Pacific and has guaranteed peace and security as the regional hegemon since the end of the WWII, in late 2011 it formally announced the Pivot to Asia strategy and declared that thAsia- Pacific has turned to its number 1 priority in foreign policy and national security. This attitude toward Asia has been kept in Trump administration too. Despite the fact that the US has been always present in the Pacific and has guaranteed peace and security as the regional hegemon since the end of the WWII, in late 2011 it formally announced the Pivot to Asia strategy and declared that thAsia- Pacific has turned to its number 1 priority in foreign policy and national security. This attitude toward Asia has been kept in Trump administration too. The question that raises to mind is that what made policy makers to consider Asia-Pacific region as the first priority in national security among other regions? In order to answer to this question, we have monitored the process of US relative power changes in the international system. We have drawn the power cycle of the US and other major powers of the international system including China in order to evaluate their power changes. The question that raises to mind is that what made policy makers to consider Asia-Pacific region as the first priority in national security among other regions? In order to answer to this question, we have monitored the process of US relative power changes in the international system. We have drawn the power cycle of the US and other major powers of the international system including China in order to evaluate their power changes. The findings show that the accelerating decline of US relative power simultaneous with the accelerating rise of China’s relative power is the main reason that has turned Asia-Pacific into the first priority of the US foreign policy and Pivot to Asia is an attempt to bring back equilibrium into the system and narrow the power-role gaps.

The question of what bliss in a political society is to be realized has been answered differently in the history of political thought. In Islamic political philosophy this issue has also been examined so that the Nostradarians who are a contemporary philosophical intellectual stream in Iran. They want to answer this question and present a suitable model for a favorable political society before the advent of the Prophet (PBUH). Their revival of transcendent wisdom and adherence to the philosophy of Sadr al-Mutallah Shirazi, with their anthropological foundations, seek to discover human dimensions and Various aspects like human concept, human creation, talents and abilities Sun, man's place in the system of being and his relationship with himself, are social and kind, and in this way they have been able to introduce the idea of a prosperous society based on the "life-style" model of happiness and perfection in Islamic society. A philosophy initiated by Imam Khomeini (R) on behalf of Allameh Tabataba'i, the master of Motahari and Javadi Amoli in response to the intrusions of anti-religious movements in Iran to revitalize Sadrian thought, using transcendent wisdom in three angles: content-method and form, Somehow it wants to respond to the problems and conditions that have arisen for the Iranian society. The findings of this article suggest it. The desirable life in the thought of the Nostradians is the "life of the Tayyeba" in which human beings are fully realized and values such as justice, freedom, service to the people, the formation of a blessed state are the essentials of this idea. The research method in this study is qualitative. It is descriptive and analytical and according to literature review the text-based hermeneutic method as well as content analysis has been used.

Power is the key to understanding many of the ideas of international relations, such as realism. Over the past few decades, significant developments have occurred in the Middle East, And the structure and balance of power have changed at the regional level. Several actors in the region and the international system have become sensitive to this center of power and conflict. The Islamic Republic of Iran is one of the most important actors to closely monitor developments in the region and the international system. And seeks to further promote its geopolitical position in the future of the international order. In order to explain this position and strategic capabilities for the Islamic Republic of Iran, a descriptive-analytical method and a framework for a realistic transition of power theory have been usedAccording to the theory of Power transition, the transfer of power at regional and global level is based on the agreement of superior powers with emerging power, Or with the opposition of the dominant powers to the emerging challenge. The author seeks to answer the key question: What are the most important indicators of the regional and international role of the Islamic Republic of Iran? From this point of view, the question of Iran's resources, goals and capacities in the regional environment has been raised as a preliminary question. The results show that the dominant international actors perceive this transition as in conflict with their interests and power because of the conflicts arising from Iran's emerging power and they use a variety of tools to prevent Iran from increasing its power. Given Iran's motivation to play a global role and to oppose the dominant norms of powerful actors, the context for dealing with it is increasing. The dominant powers employ a variety of tools to prevent the emergence of Iranian power. The most important scenarios for preventing the emergence of Iran are: sanctions, regime change, and the threat of direct and proxy wars.

As President Hasan Rouhani took office in August, 2013, the new foreign policy decision makers got into power and the “moderation discourse” prevailed as the main approach of Rouhani's administration towards the outside world. One of the major issues of foreign policy of this term was making some changes in nuclear policy, the most important sign of which was the attainment of a nuclear deal between Iran and the world super powers under the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) on July 14, 2015. This paper addresses the main effective perceptual changes which have affected Iran's nuclear policy shift. Such perceptual changes include different perceptions of the national role and the creation of a new self-image regarding Iran's desirable status, different perceptions of structural constraints including nuclear sanctions and ultimately a different representation of “other” especially the United States. These perceptual changes of new decision makers affected the management of the nuclear policy from“ deterrent confrontation” to “constructive interaction ”with the west.management of the nuclear policy from“ deterrent confrontation” to “constructive interaction ”with the west.Iran's desirable status, different perceptions of structural constraints including nuclear sanctions and ultimately a different representation of “other” especially the United States. These perceptual changes of new decision makers affected the management of the nuclear policy from“ deterrent confrontation” to “constructive interaction ”with the west.management of the nuclear policy from“ deterrent confrontation” to “constructive interaction ”with the west.Iran's desirable status, different perceptions of structural constraints including nuclear sanctions and ultimately a different representation of “other other ”with the west.Iran's desirable status, different perceptions of structural constraints including nuclear sanctions and ultimately a different representation of “other other ”with the west.Iran's desirable status, different perceptions of structural constraints including nuclear sanctions and ultimately a different representation of “other other ”with the west.Iran's desirable status, different perceptions of structural constraints including nuclear sanctions and ultimately a different representation of “other other

International Relations as an academic discipline, originating from the West, has been influenced by Western traditions of thought and this has led to its Eurocentric nature reproduced through specific closures and strict standards of theorizing. In fact IR scholars in modern era influenced by the European Enlightenment and its endorsement of autonomous reason took the supremacy of modernity for granted and considered non-western ideas so unimportant and irrelevant that they could easily ignore and omit it from their theories without having any trouble understanding, explaining and interpreting world politics. Since the last part of the twentieth century, however, this has been challenged. The emergence of reflectivist theories with their broad definition of theory, the expansion of international agenda due to significance of new international issues, and the agency of non-Western international actors have somehow broken the meta-theoretical and theoretical boundaries of IR. The result has been pluralism and the coexistence of approaches and theories.Fortunately with the collapse of confidence in the way Western modernity has understood the world, there is now a growing openness in international relations to what different perspectives may have to offer to the world. Some preliminary steps have been taken to construct non-western theories of IR based on different concepts and presumptions. Although they are still in an embryonic stage, we will hear and read more about them in a not too distant future.In particular, so scolars are trying to establish an independent and distinct mate-theory derived from Islamic principles and rules in order to designate Islamic ontology, epistemology and methodology which can help us study and understand international relations in a religious framework. The main argument of this article is that this pluralism paves the way for non-Western IR scholars especially in Regional Studies to produce their own theories and narrative of international relations and to be free from Eurocentrism. This article has a descriptive- analytical method and uses Library Research Methods for data gathering.

In 40 glorious years of the Islamic Republic of Iran revolution, it has always been faced with the policy of pressure, threats and sanctions of the United States; Until the beginning of the 2011, .these sanctions have been limited to financial and commercial, but since the early 2012, Iranian sport also suffered these pressures and effects of sanctions. The present study was conducted in terms of qualitative purposeful aiming in the form of a two-round Delphi technique. The snowball sampling continued to theoretical saturation stage, which ultimately 16 experts were identified as the final sample and 13 concepts extracted. The research findings indicated that the decrease in imports of products as most positive concept (4.01), the salary of foreign coaches and players (4.73) as most positive impact and government hasty decisions (4.84) as the most indirect negative impact of sanctions on Iran sport. Considering the cost-benefit of enduring the current situation, Iran's sport seems to be part of the microeconomic sector of Iran, in addition to dealing with further difficulties, such as paying rewards and the salaries of both Iranian and foreign athletes, the exclusion of international presence and etc; It seems under the mega inflation of Iran, sport can not replicate the former success in the future.In 40 glorious years of the Islamic Republic of Iran revolution, it has always been faced with the policy of pressure, threats and sanctions of the United States; Until the beginning of the 2011, .these sanctions have been limited to financial and commercial, but since the early 2012, Iranian sport also suffered these pressures and effects of sanctions. The present study was conducted in terms of qualitative purposeful aiming in the form of a two-round Delphi technique. The snowball sampling continued to theoretical saturation stage, which ultimately 16 experts were identified as the final sample and 13 concepts extracted. The research findings indicated that the decrease in imports of products as most positive concept (4.01), the salary of foreign coaches and players (4.73) as most positive impact and government hasty decisions (4.84) as the most indirect negative impact of sanctions on Iran sport. Considering the cost-benefit of enduring the current situation, Iran's sport seems to be part of the microeconomic sector of Iran, in addition to dealing with further difficulties, such as paying rewards and the salaries of both Iranian and foreign athletes, the exclusion of international presence and etc.

The start of the Arab developments in 2011 sheds new light on discussions about the conditions and requirements for the survival of political systems in the West Asian region and North Africa. These developments undermined the idea that sustained authoritarianism in the Arab world is a general principle. Political science scholars have always sought to explain the flexibility of authoritarian systems in the region through a variety of approaches including the institutional approach, the power of repressive forces, cultural factors and rent availability. But the developments in 2011 showed that some Middle Eastern political systems could not be sustainable, which is why some political systems in the Arab world failed to survive in 2011 compared to other political systems in the region. To answer this question, the present paper examines economic liberalization policies in Egypt as a case study, and concludes that the implementation of these policies in Egypt has led to a split within the ruling elite coalition, especially among the emerging economic class (new guards) and the military, which challenged the ruling regime's ability to survive in 2011.

Using effective tools and methods to create a positive image of a country is an important issue in public diplomacy. Given that Africa is one of the strategic areas of the Islamic Republic of Iran, Iran has failed to make good use of this capacity and to succeed in the field of public diplomacy. This is important because the presence of competing countries with Iran in Africa has been instrumental in creating challenges for Iran on the continent and has given a security perspective to Iran's actions in Africa and Iran cannot succeed. The field of influencing African public opinion and promoting its goals and interests is doing better. Now the question arises: what is the effective strategy of the Islamic Republic of Iran for the success of public diplomacy in Africa? In the present study, first, a descriptive-analytical approach, using library documents and resources, deals with the general diplomacy of Iranian diplomacy in Africa and the security outlook formed using the Copenhagen School. Then, using in-depth interviews (one of a series of surveys) with 20 experts in the field of Africa and public diplomacy, as well as using the Swat Matrix Analysis method, the data were analyzed. The results, therefore, imply that a reactive or rethinking strategy could weaken Iran's public diplomacy on the continent by weakening the security outlook on Iran's activities in Africa

Leading Strategies in the Aftermath fortieth of the Islamic Revolution(Explaining the Second Step of the Islamic Revolution Statement) The relative realization of the objectives of the Islamic Revolution requires the identification of the present situation and planning to achieve the desired status. The second step of the Islamic Revolution statement is in fact a plan for moving from the present to the desired state. Considering the importance of this issue, this paper, using the SOWT methodology, attempts to answer this question: "What are the strategies of the Iranian society on the eve of the 40th anniversary of the Islamic Revolution based on the statement of the second step?"Based on the statement of the second step of the Islamic Revolution, four strategies can be devised during the period of the Islamic Revolution: 1. the "Aggressive" Strategy of the Islamic Revolution, with regard to internal strengths and external opportunities. 2. The "Conservative" policy of the Islamic Revolution on the Internal Strengths and External Threats. 3. The "competitive" strategy of the Islamic Revolution regarding external opportunities and internal weaknesses. 4. "Defensive " strategy of the Islamic Revolution considering internal weaknesses and external threats. Given the success of the Islamic Revolution in the "strengths" and "promising" opportunities, compared to weaknesses and threats, the efforts of statesmen must mobilize resources, facilities and capacities in order to plan their operations in line with the " Aggressive " strategy in the regional environment. And the international system.

Discourse analysis of the Supreme leader about SunnisIslamic Republic of Iran is one of the countries with religious diversity . There are different approaches to religious diversity in Iran . Some scholars have identified this diversity as a threat to the country and some researchers have an opportunity to approach this phenomenon . According to foundations of the Islamic Republic of Iran , religious diversity is an opportunity to interact with the Islamic world , but this diversity may serve as a platform for exerting pressure on foreigners . Accordingly, protection the Sunnis as opportunity requires clever policy making . Policy making has many stages and understanding policy discourse is one of the key stages in policy design . Extraction of the Supreme Leader's Discourse as One of the basis of policy making in the Islamic Republic of Iran is necessary for entering to policy making . On this basis , this article attempts to elaborate on the discourse of the supreme leader about Sunnis . To achieve this goal , Practical Discourse Analysis Method (PDAM) has been used . In this paper , by using this model , three stages of description, interpretation and explanation are performed based on 5 dimensions analysis of the statistical population sample layers (from level to depth) . Discourse analysis of the Supreme Leader of the Revolution shows that the nodal point for the discourse of the supreme leader of the revolution is the umma of Islamic unit and the confrontation with the system of domination and other components , such as the rejection of discriminatory religious views , the preservation of unity , and the opportunity to recognize the Sunnis as other essential point of discourse are recognizable .