نشریه مطالعات اوراسیای مرکزی
پیاپی 25 (پاییز و زمستان 1398)

The struggle for recognition is one of the reasons of conflicts in world politics that affects the behavior of international actors. From this perspective, the escalation of tensions between Russia and the United States often involves the lack of recognition from the West for Russia's "great power" status and equal partnership in the international system. The main argument of the paper is that the discrepancy between the “great power” image and the Western image of Russia, along with the Russian aspiration to achieve great power status in world order has shaped the main narrative of Russia’s foreign policy discourse. With adoption of an aggressive foreign policy, especially in Ukraine and Syria, Russia seeks to consolidate its position in the international system and fight against US unilateralism in international crises.This article suggests that using recognition policy will provide a better understanding of Russia's efforts to promote its global position and make it easier to understand its foreign policy incentives. This article argues that the concept of recognition will provide a better understanding of Russia's efforts to promote its position in the global arena and helping us to realize the motivations of this country. The main claim of the paper is that understanding Russia’s foreign policy with realistic approaches can not be achieved. Therefore, in order to fill the existing vacuum, this study uses the politics of recognition in the framework of constructivism to analyze Russia's foreign policy in the Middle East.

The upcoming article seeks tاثat effects the effects of the New foreign policy of china Since 2013 on this Country approach on SCO. our argument says that because of external requirements and new economic model of growth, economic dimension has become prevalent.Since Xi Jinping became the China president, this country has pursued more active foreign policy. New ideas and initiatives are the manifestations of this new trends. These have had implications for china's policy on SCO. While at the beginning of establishment security concerns on extremism, separatism and terrorism have been the most important drivers of China's policy on this organization, but in new era Beijing on the one hand, has tried to embolden the economic aspect of the organization, and on the other hand, china wants that SCO becomes a platform to secure it's investment in central Asia countries. In addition, china's relations with Russia in SCO framework has become more competitive. For example, although after Ukraine crisis Moscow tries to increase security function of the organization, China according to its new foreign policy want to enhance the economic function of SCO. Moreover, contrast to past, China has declared its desire to Iran permanent membership in the Organization that seems to bet the result of its new initiatives and corridors. for regional integration policy. The Iran nuclear deal eased this agenda.

The aim of the present paper is to explain the Russian intervention in the Syrian crisis. The crisis is the most critical crisis within the Arab uprisings. Russia supported the Syrian government in the crisis, and was able to prevent it from being overthrown. The axial question of the document is that “Why has Russia intervened in favor of the Syrian government in this crisis?” The original answer to the document is that “Concern of diluting and eliminate of Russia’s sphere of influence in Syria and Middle East have caused Russia to intervene in the Syrian crisis in favor of the Syrian government.” The review of Russia’s foreign policy in the Middle East shows that it has sought to renew its influence since the early 2000s. But the developments in the region regularly took place against the interests of Moscow, as a result, its influence on the region was limited. With the overthrow of Saddam's government in 2003 and the Gaddafi government in 2011, only Syria remained as the Russian sphere of influence in the region. As a result, if the Baathist government of Syria was overthrown, not only would Russia lose its geopolitical interests in this country, but there would have been no influence in the Middle East; as a result, it would become a marginal power. Therefore, Russia's intervention in the Syria crisis was inevitable for the territory of the geopolitical influence of the regions.

China is an emerging Asian power that is in the proximity of another influential power, Russia. The status of Russia has always been dual in terms of geography and culture, and is considered to be both Asian and European. Russia and China have historically experienced ups and downs in their relationship. following the collapse of the Soviet Union, both countries witnessed the promotion of cooperation in their relations. The importance of examining the relations between these two states is that both are among influential powers in the international system. The chief question here is why Russia’s geopolitical encounter with China will lead to Russia’s inclination toward the West. The hypothesis is that because Russia has major disagreements with China in the Far East and Central Asia, and because Russia is unable to defend its long borders, it will have no choice but to compromise with the west as a less severe threat. In this study, the history of the relations between the two states will be elaborated and after tracing Russia's common historical and behavioral pattern in similar circumstances, Russia's reaction to China’s threat will be evaluated. Theoretical framework used in this study is that of balance of threat. According to this theory it is concluded that Russia ultimately formulates its western identity, not for the purpose of establishing tactical and temporary cooperation with the West but a strategic and lasting alliance with it.

After the fall of the Taliban and the establishment of democracy in Afghanistan, it was expected that this country would experience economic development beside political development. This article studies Afghanistan's economic development situation in the era of democratization. For this purpose, theoretical approaches to the relationship between democracy and development and the statistical analysis of economic development indicators have been used. The research question focuses on the status of Afghanistan's economic development during the age of democracy (2001-2017). Our study shows that the economic development indicators in these years has not change significantly. Also, the national economy has more experienced economic growth not economic development. In this country, quantitative indicators such as the growth of GDP and urbanization rate have improved. But, quality indicators of development such as poverty, per capita income, fair distribution of wealth, human development, and industry have not significantly improved. Therefore, by considering the financial supports of the world society democracy and the political development in Afghanistan have not yet resulted to economic development. In reality, succeeds of Afghanistan' state were more focused on democracy not economic development. Therefore democracy in Afghanistan because was conjoined with insecurity, financial corruption, election crisis, rentier economy, and socials gaps has had an incompatible relation with development.

America's involvement in Afghanistan, Iraq and the Muslim world in general led to the country's international image and reputation damaged. To cope with this situation, the Americans tried to use science and technology. In this regard the appointment of envoys from the United States to different parts of the world was under special attention. The main focus was to send faculty to Muslim-majority countries. Academic staff play catalytic role in the field of cooperation and communication between the parties. The question is that what is the main priorities and shaping the institutions of science and technology diplomacy of America in Central Asia? It seems most science and technology cooperation between the United States and Central America focused on the discussion of weapons of mass destruction, water and education. The institutions involved in this section are the government sectors and private sector is also mainly limited role in this regard. The research method will be descriptive and analytical method using data for the second batch.

This article seeks to study the security policies of Iran and Russia in Central Asia and the Caucasus motivations for cooperation between the two countries in the region. It tries to answer the question as to what is the most important factor affecting the cooperation between Iran and Russia in Central Asia since September 11, 2001? The article argues that the main basis of Iranian-Russian cooperation in the region can be found in the nature of the international system and the constraints it puts before the two countries. Iran and Russia are against the US presence in Central Asia and worry about the American activities and influence in the region. That’s because the expansion of the American security umbrella in Central Asia after September 2001 with the pretext of fighting terrorism could have a negative impact on the interests of Iran and Russia in the region. Using the theory of neo-realism, this article shows that the increasing American desire to play an active role in Central Asia after 2001 has created an incentive for Iran and Russia to enhance their cooperation, while some other factors like preventing the spread of terrorism, drug trafficking and organized crimes have also contributed to this trend. The article adopts a descriptive-analytical research method and library sources and documents have been used to collect the necessary data. A theoretical framework based on neo-realism has been developed in order to elaborate and systemize the findings of the research.

From the past, relations between Russia and Europe have been one of the most important issues among international relations analysts, and in numerous studies attempts have been made to analyze these relations from different theoretical perspectives. Game Theory is one of the newest analytical tools in international relations studies. The present study, using Game Theory and using the method of qualitative research and documentary research tools, attempts to answer the question of what games existed in Russian-EU relations between 2000 and 2018? The results show that between 2000 and 2004, the performance of actors associated with pessimism affected by the security environment of the Kosovo crisis corresponds to the conditions prevailing on the Prisoner Dilemma puzzle, which was followed by the level of economic-commercial affiliation, geographical proximity and terrorism Becomes a GT Game. Between 2004 and 2008, with the advent of the Orange Revolution, the deployment of the Missile Defense Shield and the Georgian War, the European Neighborhood Policy is gradually being brought up against the Russian Neighborhood Policy, and a Zero-Sum Game is emerging. In 2008-2012, Medvedev's proposal for a new security order along with a financial crisis and the need for energy security would become a major driving force for a turnaround in the policy of conflict and the formation of a Stag Hunt Game, but in the sequel, the problems associated with the formation of the Syrian and Ukrainian crises has driven two actors on a non-return path in to the Chichen Game, which is still ongoing.

In recent years, the Islamic Republic of Iran has found a special place in the discourse of Russian foreign policy. Part of this important issue can be seen in the influence of the Fourth Theory of Politics, becoming the dominant approach of the country, which has had a visible effect on Kremlin policies over the past three decades. The founder of this theory is Alexander Dugin, the Russian philosopher who nominated Neuorasianism. Proponents of this discourse always think of Iran as a tactical and strategic relationship. The two countries of Iran and Russia described each other as "strategic allies." This phrase has been raised many times by the language of some elites in both countries, especially by Putin and the leader of the Islamic Revolution. The present article intends to address the different angles of neo-Oregistry and its impact on the evolution of relations between the two countries. Therefore, the main question is: considering the centrality of the fourth theory of politics in the foreign policy of Russia, which position does have the Islamic Republic of Iran? The author hypothesizes that the two countries have a more realistic view of the prospect of a strategic approach and its impact on the future of the two countries, the region and the world, by consolidating existing commonalities in the not-too-distant future into strategic interactions and Strategic achievements will be achieved, and the findings of the research are similar to those of Iran in Dugin's thought and so on.

The deployment of the US missile defense system in Eastern Europe is one of the most strategic issues that has been at the top of the region and the world over the past few decades. Moscow considers the deployment and extension of the system to be a stabilization of US hegemony and a threat to Russia's increased military and missile power, and has taken retaliatory measures to counteract the effects of this system. The study seeks to answer the question that Russia has taken to counteract the effects of the US missile shield in Eastern Europe. The assumption is that since Moscow is deploying a US missile shield in Eastern Europe, it seeks to control Russia and remove Russia from strategic missile forces. Therefore, Russia has embarked on diplomatic and military actions in response to this plan, and it is trying to maintain the so-called strategic balance in Eastern Europe, which could bring the region into the arms race. In terms of the implementation method, the research is of a descriptive-analytical type and is based on the balance-of-threat theory.

In its analysis of formation of the Republic of Azerbaijan (1918-1920), this article focuses on a process during which three generations of Pan-Turkist intellectuals succeeded in constructing the “notion of nation” among Muslims in Caucasus, thus providing a basis for political efforts in this regard. The article uses the theoretical models of analysts like Benedict Anderson to demonstrate how, through following a specific process, these intellectuals managed to turn the vague idea of nation into a political notion. By outlining a definition of themselves against “others” and, taking advantage of the circumstances surrounding the collapse of the traditional Russian and Ottoman Empires, they eventually formed a political unit. This process of constructing a “notion of nation” has entailed on the one hand highlighting certain identity elements associated with Muslims in Caucasus and, on the other hand, has marginalized and rejected certain other identity elements including Shiite and Iranian elements. The article demonstrates how such identity construction was developed through a political process as well as the considerations arising from this process.

Since the coming of Medvedev as the Russian president in 2008, Russia's foreign policy has changed. According to Russian foreign policy think tanks, Medvedev has been introduced as a liberal westward that has emphasized the improvement of relations with Western countries because of common security threats and the need for greater economic and political liberalization. This policy has led to changes in Russian foreign policy in the Middle East and Moscow's relations with regional powers. The two main questions of this research are: 1. What were the priorities and goals of Russian foreign policy during the Medvedev era? 2. These priorities have led to what changes in Russia's relations with Iran and Saudi Arabia? To test the main hypothesis of the study, which states that "economic development as the first priority of Russian foreign policy during the period of Medvedev's presidency led to the adoption of a Western-oriented approach by him and the Kremlin's re-examination of relations with Iran and Saudi Arabia." we examined the principles and patterns of Russian foreign policy, its foreign policy in the Middle East, and Russia's relations with Iran and Saudi Arabia during the Medvedev era. Finally, the result of this study is that the priority of economic development and the improvement of relations with the West, has led to Russia during the Medvedev period, the gradual cooling of relations with Iran and relative proximity to relations with Saudi Arabia.

This study addressed a historical change in the global situation of the Caspian Sea during recent centuries. Its central question is that, how an Iranian sea changed to be a Russian one and how we can explain this strategic change within the Modern World System theory of Emanuel Wallerstein. To answer this question, it attempts to trace a gradual but continues change in the situation of the Caspian Sea during 1550 to 1800. Regarding the methodological considerations, it is a historical study with arguments based on an analytical survey of historical evidence within a conceptual framework that is inspired and manipulated by the world-system grand theory. As the results show, from mid-16th century on, and especially after the Russian conquest of Astrakhan, Caspian sea and its geopolitical situation apparently affected by the Russian strategy toward Asia. This changing situation had consequential results for Iran and her commercial relations with Russia; in fact, Iran's contribution to the strategic transactions of the Caspian Sea was affected by her peripheral role and Russia's dominance over it paved way for further expansion in the Asian lands.

After the Cold War, Tendency toward Regionalism has become more evident in different parts of the World. Central Asia is a Geostrategic area that has always been at the center of Russia's attention and the Superpowers of China and America. in this region, the Eurasian Economic Union and the Shanghai Cooperation Organization have good potential for raising the economic level of the countries of the region, which Iran's foreign policy can exploit these potentialities in line with its national interests. The Eurasian Economic Union is one of the unions that have been established as regional Groupings in Central Asia. Iran, as a neighboring country, can be affected by its Geopolitical and Geostrategic position, as well as its influence. Of course, this can happen for any country, depending on the Geopolitical weight of the countries. The present research seeks to answer the question that the Eurasian Economic Union and its membership in Iran influence the geoeconomics Status of Iran? The Research findings showed that Iran's neighbors with the member states of the Union and with Iran's membership in this Eurasian Economic Union would have a greater impact on the geoeconomics situation in Iran. This paper studies this issue in a qualitative and descriptive-analytical approach. To study the policy and effect of regionalism on the geo-economics position of Iran, geoeconomics and economical convergence approaches and approaches are used.