فصلنامه سیاست جهانی
سال هشتم شماره 4 (پیاپی 30، زمستان1398)

The Role of Economic Nationalism in Continuity of Reforms Trend in China’s Political Economy (1976-2017) Abstract The economic development trend has been continuing along with generational changes in supreme level of Chinese leadership in China after 1970 and political stability alongside economic growth has gone through a determined path. In this paper, we focus on the issue of economic nationalism to find out the reasons of the continuation of reforms trend in this period. Using an analytical-explanatory method, we answer the question that how economic nationalism has helped continuation of reforms from second generation to fifth generation of leaders after reformism era in china. We suppose that economic nationalism has helped this process through creating consensus on reform programs among Chinese leaders. Our findings show that economic nationalism as an independent variable has caused different narratives of economic nationalism through creating consensus among different generations which has resulted in continuation of reforms trend in China.

Despite the relative weakening and destruction of systematic and logistics cores of ISIS and Al-Nusra in Iraq and Syria, the crisis of neo-terrorism still can lead to insecurity in different parts of the Middle East. Over the past years, various researches have been conducted to identify the reasons for the formation and formulation of the forms and dimensions of terrorism. In line with these studies, measures have been taken or are in place at the governments and international level or to restrict terrorist acts. However, according to the researchers of the current study, existing researches and measures to control terrorism have not entered the realm ofidentity insecurity yet. Using a qualitative research method and descriptive-analytic approach, the present study seeks to answer this question: What are the impacts on national identity insecurity on the development of neo-tourism in the Middle East? According to the authors, because of the fundamental role of "religion" innational identity planning in the Middle East,there is an important relationship between identity insecurity and disrupted continuity of religious narratives.This relationship suggests thatthe selection of componentsof biographical narratives and their full monitoring by religious activists inside Iraq, added to creating identity insecurity, has given rise to or exacerbated the anxiety caused by shame in the beliefs and behavior of domestic actors, monitored business integrity policy, and in a seemingly unplanned way, the development of neo-terrorism in Iraq.

Abstract The testing of the theories presented about the causes of the formation of revolutions is one of the important and relevant issues in the field of research on political sociology. One of the theories about the phenomenon of revolution is the theory of the revolutionary transformation of Chalmers Johnson. The question is that how much Johnson's theory is compatible with the revolutions that took place in the world and to what extent this theory is capable of explaining the causes of the occurrence of these revolutions. In this study, three Iranian, Egyptian and Libyan revolutions in the Islamic world has been investigated. The present paper seeks to test Johnson's theory of revolutionary transformations in the three countries. According to this study, it can be concluded that from the three factors mentioned by Johnson, two factors, including inequality and accelerating factors, are partially applicable to these revolutions, But the elites rigidity factor, with the exception of the Libyan revolution, is not compatible with the other two revolutions, and therefore Johnson's theory does not have the power to explain these revolutions.

Abstract The main objective of this article reviews the possibility of or refusal to the formation of strategic partnership relations between the Islamic Republic of Iran and Republic of China through relying on cultural and identity foundations of the two countries. Relations between Iran and China have faced with a lot of ups and downs in the period after the Islamic revolution, and this, in turn, has cast serious doubt on the possibility of the formation of the strategic relations between the two sides. However, founding the pattern of strategic partnership is considered as the beginning of a new chapter of strategic relations between Tehran and Beijing. Understanding the relations between the Islamic Republic of Iran and China within the aforementioned framework requires knowing the attitudes and viewpoints of the elites of two countries from themselves, each other and intervening actors. In this connection, the present study utilizes the structural theory to test the hypothesis that cultural and identity factors can have a determining role in jeopardizing their strategic relations as it does in forming strategic cooperation pattern in their relations. Research methodology in this study is causative and the method of data collection is also based on a library method done through referring to books, articles, Internet, etc.

The 9/11 incident, along with all the implications for the US security strategy, tested the scope of US commitment to South Asia, and in particular to Afghanistan. The military invasion to this country in the first weeks after the 9/11 incident gradually outlined a broad agenda for mobilizing hard and soft resources for US leaders and each one of these leaders followed a specific behavioral pattern, based on Afghanistan's peripheral and domestic conditions, US domestic conditions and their own individual belief systems. The main question of this article is: What are the similarities and differences of US foreign policy with regard to Afghanistan during the Bush, Obama, and Trump presidencies? In response to this question, the hypothesis is: US foreign policy on Afghanistan between 2001 and 2019 was focused on counterterrorism and the relative maintenance and strengthening of the central government. However, in the Bush era, an extra-regional approach (Iraq-Afghanistan-based), in the years of Obama's leadership, the intra-regional approach (Afghanistan -Pakistan) and the in the Trump era a principled realism approach was followed. The Method of Research is Comprative Study.

Abstract The current essay is about to study Trump's foreign policy as republican's representative toward Latin America. One of the necessities to study this essay is that so far there is not much Persian version available and regional studies requires proper understanding in order to know diplomacy's procedure in this region. So that it could be relatively settled. The method used in research relies more on establishing causes and factors of formation and the process of united states diplomacy in southern hemisphere Thus, the study seeks to answer the question as to which elements and components of Donald Trump's foreign policy behavior after Obama's treatment of a soft nature have now become a hard and challenging one. The main hypothesis of the study is as follows: "US foreign policy in Donald Trump's administration of Latin America has been based on vicious behavior against the Republican anti-hemispherical approach" With his first American approach and nationalist logic in his foreign policy toward the world and later in Latin America, Trump adopted a different line of policy than Latin America. It deeply influenced the political and economic structures of the region and created different foreign policy processes. Much of the change has been a consequence of Donald Trump's individual decisions in opposition to the actions and foreign policy of former President Barack Obama, which has been directly and publicly proclaimed as trivial. These changes have spread nationalist sentiment and racist currents throughout the world that have affected Latin American nations as well.

The economic growth of Asia Pacific region since the late years of twentieth century, has led to a shift in distribution of geostrategic power in the world, and in economic dynamics from the Atlantic to the Pacific Ocean. In the meantime, the rise of China and its increasing power in various areas has become one of the most important phenomena of international politics in recent decades, and has created various debates on its effects on the post-Cold War international order. One of the theoretical approaches that seems to provide a good understanding of this topic is power cycle theory. In the framework of this approach, the question is now how can the future trend of China's rise in the power cycle and its consequences on international order and stability be evaluated? The research hypothesis is that China's growth rate in relative power, as it enters the first inflection point in the power cycle, will soon experience a declining trend in the face of systemic constraints, and by creating a huge shock to its expectations for future security and role, it will potentially challenge the existing world order. Emphasizing the importance of the bilateral relations between China and US in terms of the scope of its effects on international system, this paper will investigate the indicators, and challenges of China's uprising in different domains as well as the factors affecting the stability of the international order, and its future prospects.

After the Islamic Revolution, the relations between the two countries of Saudi Arabia and the Islamic Republic of Iran were full of "hostility", "tension", "conflict" and "great threat". So far, there have been many studies in this regard, but they have not investigated Saudi threats against Iran in a systematic manner and based on theoretical studies. The author believes that the implementation of a specific theory to analyze the threats of Saudi Arabia is not effective, and in this regard considers the strategic security model rooted in some Western and nonwestern theories of international relations. So the question is how can Saudi Arabia's threats against Iran be analyzed based on strategic security model? the hypothesis of research is that strategic security model can examine the role of the international political system in analyzing Saudi threats against Iran with regard to the specific characteristics of the political and social environment of the two countries and suggests strategies to reduce them. Accordingly, the strategic security model assesses Saudi Arabia's lasting threats to Iran in four areas: regional, economic, cyber and cultural. This model analyzes the Neo-conservative system