مجله راهبرد سیاسی
سال چهارم شماره 1 (پیاپی 12، بهار 1399)

The purpose of this article is to examine the ideology of the al-Qaeda terrorist group and its impact on its strategy to combat the US. The main question of this article is how will al-Qaeda's ideologies influence its strategies to fight the US? A brief review of the existing literature reveals that a few have explored the ideologies and strategies of the terrorist group and much of the literature on the origins of terror, terrorist motivations, and counter-terrorism responses. Al-Qaeda's ideology is deeply international in its kind and seeks to frame regional and local conflicts in a broader context such as the war against apostates and infidels. Al-Qaeda's strategy stems from its ideology, with Al-Qaeda's top strategic priorities mobilizing Muslims for a global jihad against the West and overthrowing apostate regimes, especially Saudi Arabia, Egypt and Pakistan.

Democracy is today recognized as the most favorable form of political system in the last century and is spreading to most parts of the world. Many countries sought to establish a political system in line with the democratic model and built their political, social, and economic structures on it. After the collapse of the Soviet Union and the independence of the Central Asian republics, these countries faced many challenges in terms of new restructuring. It replaces the communist order in these countries. Contrary to the existing view, given the past three decades of independence of these republics, we are witnessing the establishment of authoritarian regimes in the countries of the region in a manner that precipitates the totalitarian thinking left behind by the communist system. It seeks to answer the question of what are the internal barriers to democracy in these countries? And then to study them scientifically and analyze them. Researchers also believe that the existence of domestic political and social factors in these countries, such as the absence of a rule-based law, the absence of plural political parties, a weak civil society, and internal barriers to democracy are considered.

The North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) is the product of post-World War II international conditions. NATO was established as a regional security regime aimed at countering Soviet expansionism. NATO was in a crisis of identity with the collapse of the Soviet Union and the end of the Cold War, which no longer saw the strategic enemy on its way. In its monopoly world, the United States has sought to preserve NATO and extend its influence from Europe to other parts of the world, especially the Middle East, in pursuit of its development goals. The 9/11 incident was a turning point in the new NATO security approach, for the first time that it went beyond Western Europe and deployed a large number of troops to the Middle East (Afghanistan). By presenting a new definition of threats, in the new international context, NATO has identified a wide range of global issues as new sources of threat and has paved the way for its role in any part of the world where its interests warrant. Going back to the research objective that seeks to examine NATO's position in US grand strategy and the US influence on NATO after the end of the Cold War, the research hypothesis states that in the monopoly world, NATO as a political-military arm, a tool for the US and under Its leadership has been to achieve US expansionist policies in every part of the world (the Middle East).

Foreign policy as the most important manifestation of the international behavior of governments has always been the domain of interaction between theory and practice. In the meantime, each political discourse that seeks power, based on its particular worldview on the prevailing order at the regional and global level, adopts different and sometimes conflicting attitudes in the context of national strategies in foreign policy. The main question of this article is how has Iranian foreign policy been shaped by the "political discourse" and "national strategies" of the government of Sayyid Mohammad Khatami and Mahmoud Ahmadinejad? What have been the consequences of the national roles and the grand strategies of these two discourses on Iranian foreign policy? To answer the above question, the author attempts to examine the hypothesis that different "macroeconomic strategies" of Iranian presidents have led to the implementation of different and sometimes conflicting foreign policies, using "role theory" and descriptive analysis tools. The findings show that in the field of Iranian foreign policy, there is a cross-talk between the strategies of various discourses, and the opposition of these strategies has led to the inappropriate use of "foreign policy" tools to achieve national goals.

Foreign policy is the most prominent external and international aspect of the life, activity and continuation of political and social life of a state and nation. The most important sign of the dynamism, survival and survival of governments that are regionally and internationally capable of defending their legitimate national interests outside their borders and preventing aggression and aggression by rationality and authority, having a systemic foreign policy, Explained, documented and purposeful. Having such a foreign policy depends on a number of factors, including the actual and legal role of politicians in one of them. In the Islamic Republic of Iran, the leadership role in foreign policy is special. In this article, we intend to review Jihad Kabir as a fundamental strategy in the foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran; The key question in this study is why did Jihad Kabir arise in foreign policy and what is its identity function in foreign policy? Our hypothesis is that Jihad Kabir, as a foreign policy strategy of the Islamic Republic, firstly has a discursive identity that is raised as an antithesis to the discourse of influence and secondly that it has an identifiable application to the Islamic Republic's foreign policy at the system level. It is international.

The concept of the new middle class in Iran as a result of its connection with the West, that is, the result of the modernization and modernization of this class in various political, social fields, to the extent that most thinkers in various fields form the basis of the formation of new societies and one of the elements. And the basic prerequisites for a democratic democracy know that the whole new middle class is formed with an intellectual focus, because the discourse of the intellectuals is the discourse of democracy. Undoubtedly, the realization of democracy has been one of the main features of the new middle class in the Second Pahlavi era. On the other hand, the neo-patrimonial structure of government, due to its conflict with political development, has had characteristics that have not only challenged but also failed these efforts, and we seek to answer the question of what role does the new middle class play in Did political development in the second Pahlavi era? Based on the assumption that the strategic errors of Mohammad Reza Pahlavi in ​​quantitative growth of the new middle class and failure to meet their basic and qualitative demand and the coalition of the new middle class with the traditional led to shakiness in political development and the research method in this descriptive study. - It is analytical.

Among researchers in East Asia, the role of the United States Navy (OSP) and the Military-Industrial Complex (MIC) in the description of rapid industrial change has been overlooked. However, the foundations of industrialization in places like South Korea, given the strong analytical conditions of the "national-regional" and the central government, are so-called "new Weber-new" and are still insufficient. A geopolitical economic approach with a focus on the role of OSP and relations in the US MIC will shed light on the social and intellectual dimensions of Korea's industrial success during the Vietnam War, which were largely absent from the Weber-New report. . In particular, we look at the involvement of the Chang Hei Park regime in the Vietnam War and development with Korean industrial Chaibol, such as Hyundai, and argue that the success of the developing country of South Korea and Chaibol by joining the US MIC through OSP became possible.

Power is the most important concept in politics and society, and the functions of power, the consequences of power, the exclusion of power, are all very important in the thought and science of politics. It seems that various explanations have been given by thinkers about power, and each of them leads to a different policy and political system. The main question of this research is what is the relationship between different perceptions of power and the realization of democracy? The main hypothesis of the research is that the democratic and modern conception of power is a combination of Plato's virtuous conception and Machiavelli's personalist conception of power, especially political power. The research findings show that power is not a desirable phenomenon in public imagination but more It is considered evil. But power basically doesn't have an essence that is bad or good. It seems because power doesn't have an essence, so it can be both destructive and constructive, and what makes power this or that is the end result. It is arranged. But whatever it is, power is very important, whether good or bad. Power is a very important phenomenon that we think less about. What kind of thinking about power means understanding what the thinkers have imagined for power, and what effect has their perception of the various dimensions had on the concept and on politics in general, and their perceptions have been optimistic or pessimistic?

President Donald Trump's policies around the world, with their unique personality traits (pragmatism), evoke new passive approaches to US foreign policy. Trump has taken significant action against Iran since the early days of his stay in the White House through Israeli lobbies. At the annual meeting of conservative social activists in Washington, he cited support for Israel as the main reason for leaving the UN Security Council. Undoubtedly, the issue of Iran's position on Israel, as well as the policies of the United States and its current president towards the regime, has caused acute problems in Iran's foreign relations. Therefore, the purpose of this study is to examine the foreign policies of the US government towards Israel and its impact on the national security of the Islamic Republic of Iran. In this regard, the main question of the research is based on the impact of US foreign policy during Donald Trump's presidency on Israel on Iran's national security. The present study uses analytical-descriptive method and in the context of realism. Aggressive assumes that Trump's policies toward Israel, such as recognizing Israel's sovereignty over the Golan Heights, supporting the development of Israeli settlements, moving the US embassy to Jerusalem, etc., are ineffective. It will not be the key to national security in the Islamic Republic of Iran.

The question that the authors of the present study, with a descriptive-analytical approach and the revolutionary protests of the Yemeni people and the overthrow of the despotic Ali Abdullah Saleh government, seeks to answer is why the most important challenges arise from what happened Factors? According to the results of the present study, developments in post-conflict space are more than any other factor stemming from the interference of foreign forces, and in particular the Western, Arab, Arab-led coalition led by the United States and Saudi Arabia, in the light of strategic competition and regional frontal change Compensation in Iraq and Syria, as well as efforts to maintain the political structure of the disintegrating countries, have led the new or post-colonial government to face profound challenges from a lack of security.