فصلنامه روابط خارجی
پیاپی 40 (زمستان 1397)

US economic sanctions as an unusual weapon in economic warfare have targeted Iran's economic security. In addition to imposing sanctions on various sectors of the Iranian economy, the US has always sought to increase the efficiency of these sanctions. The present study seeks to answer two questions. 1. What are the US strategies for smartening sanctions? 2. What are the solutions to Iran's asymmetric confrontation aimed at reducing the effectiveness of sanctions? The innovation of the study is that the issue of sanctions' smartening has not been considered. The research method of this article is analytical and data collection has been done through documentary and library studies. The results of the study show that US strategies to streamline sanctions include: focus on sanctions on individuals and their inclusion in the SDN list, recognizing the final beneficiaries and advising companies to have the maximum rigor, the move by the United States to combinate nuclear and terrorist sanctions, use the capacity of the think tanks to identify vulnerable sectors in Iran to increase the accuracy of sanctions impact and using face-to-face conversations of US officials to convince countries and large companies not to engage with Iran. In spite of the fact that Iran does not have the ability to deal symmetrically with these tools, it seems that adopting strategies to rebuild and diversify means of transferring funds can greatly affect US sanctions. Specifically, there are some suggestions in this area:1. International Financial Messeging Systems, 2. International Banking Platforms, and 3. Correspondent Relationships.

By the end of the Cold War New and complex issues such as undermining the military power and security agency, The rise of NGOs and the emergence of new international and regional actors it came into being and regionalism was revised as a new perspective and paradigm. Therefore, the question has been raised that despite new developments in the international system, has the quasi -paradigm shift emerged in modern regionalism? In this way, how new theoretical approaches look at regionalism. In response to the hypothesis that, regionalism is one of the most important issues in international politics and has evolved at different levels than the classic. also, Contrary to realistic attitudes, new and varied perspectives have been put forward by networking approaches, structuralism, subsidiary systems, regional security, and later theories.

The cleavage between Yalta global order and French perception and trying to influence on dominant order based on the logic of international oligarchy during the cold war and balancing actor in the post-cold war is the main attempt of France. In other words, transition from enlarged sanctuarization, ideologic rationality and offensive Gaullism towards pragmatism, diplomacy of conflict mitigation and balancing power led to changing the France’s voting behavior in the Security Council. Such evolution is caused by context-dependency of French Gaullism. Thus, the main question of the current paper is to understand the logic of France’s voting behavior in the SC. In fact, restoring international position and prestige and trying to identify as game-changer based upon independence, activism, and international presence is the main hypothesis of this paper. Nevertheless, appraising the French voting behavior necessitates to analyze the micro, meso and macro levels of foreign policy. The current paper will test the hypothesis with analytic-comparative method and power transition theory and balance of power.

The surprise victory of the supporters of Britain's exit from the European Union in the referendum of June 23, 2016, In fact, it was one of the most complex political crises in London in the last half century, which in the short term led the British government to focus on a wide range of issues related to post-Brexit goals and ideas. Today, one of the key components of London's foreign policy is "global Britain" And based on that, Britain will try to make fundamental changes in its activities and programs through its soft power. It is certain that with the possible changes in British foreign policy in the post-Brexit period, London will have no choice but to consolidate and maintain its traditional alliance with the Persian Gulf. Thus, the future of British relations with the Persian Gulf is one of the most important issues in political circles today. Therefore, the aim of this paper is to analyze the policy of the British Persian Gulf in the post- Brexit period, emphasizing the future approach of research and answering the question, what are the possible scenarios in the relations between Britain and the Persian Gulf in the post- Brexit period? Examining Britain's background in the Persian Gulf and using scenarios, the future of British foreign policy in the Persian Gulf can be traced back to political, economic, security, and energy factors. The results of the present study show that with Britain's exit from the European Union, London's presence in the Persian Gulf will be based on a strategy and movement based on long-term requirements to create stability and economic opportunities based on a set of collective behaviors to develop long-term strategic goals in the post- Brexit period.

UAE foreign policy has been accompanied by pattern and behavioral changes since 1971. Despite the continuous crises throughout the Middle East and the Gulf, the federal nature of the United Arab Emirates has created a constructive foreign policy that has caused the survival of this vulnerable country. In other words, the United Arab Emirates is a country of multiple foreign policies. A study of the UAE's foreign policy since its establishment in 2007 shows that special issues and interests have remained constant throughout this period. At the same time, changes in the world arena and transformations in the structure of the international system, particularly the fall of the Soviet Union and the emergence of a unipolar system, have had a direct impact on the intervention of other major powers in the Persian Gulf. In response to these changes, the patterns by which the United Arab Emirates pursues its foreign policy interests in the region have changed; Nevertheless, these patterns are identifiable from the core points as important components of UAE foreign policy. This article seeks to answer the key question of what pattern developments UAE foreign policy has undergone from 1971 to 2017. Such pattern developments of foreign policy include Arab commitment and Islamic co-existence, peaceful and impartial treatment of regional issues, pro-Arab, pro-Western, moderation and commitment to security participation. Indeed, regional and global policy in the UAE is a function of the pattern developments of foreign policy. Using library resources and a descriptive-explanatory method, this paper attempts to identify a particular style in the way the UAE pursues its foreign policy goals by examining the foreign policy developments since its establishment.

The main purpose of this research is to study the evolution of the global role of the United States in the international arena. This research argues that the foreign policy of the United States has been based on the logic of liberal internationalism since the Second World War, and the global role of the US has been undergoing a change since the presidency of Donald Trump as the most serious critic of this logic, which can change the international order as well if continued. Hence, the present research focuses on the arguments between the advocates of a liberal internationalist role for the United States and proponents of a limited role of this country in the international arena. The main question of the research is "Why is the US government's approach to the torpor era changed from the logic of liberal internationalism to the logic of Neomarktantal? And can this change change the international order? The main hypothesis of the research is that the cost-effectiveness of the rationale of liberal internationalism has led to widespread criticism for the United States, and finally, with the power of Tramp, as the most serious critic of this logic, the ground for moving towards the Neumarktantal approach has been provided. This is a descriptive-analytical study, the data of which have been collected using written and virtual sources.