پژوهشنامه علوم سیاسی
سال چهاردهم شماره 3 (پیاپی 55، تابستان 1398)

Persian Gulf region is known as a strategic region in geopolitical affairs and also an effective region on global equations, in which the countries of this crucial region could have a great impact on global equations in the case of understanding the geopolitical conditions and capacities in the region, moving toward convergence and creation of a regional economic organization. Currently, with a lack of understanding and moving toward divergence, it will reduce effectiveness of region on global equations and create a tension in relations between Iran and the Persian Gulf countries. Therefore, in this research, in addition to studying the causes of divergence in relations between Iran and the Persian Gulf countries most effective factors of divergence were recognized and prioritized by using expert judgments, pair-wise comparisons method and Analytical Hierarchy Process(AHP). Finally “Hegemonic competition between Iran and Saudi Arabia to lead and manage regional affairs” got the first place by gaining a weight of 0.258.

Logic of understanding dualism in Iran’s classical politics tradition Abstract This paper examines the logic of understanding Iran’s classical politics tradition interaction with dualism. The question is which pattern of confronting official or unofficial aspects of power with binary concepts can be formulated in the foregoing time period? The hypothesis is that logic of confrontation with binary concepts has not followed any generic, general or predetermined pattern and is a function of the concepts “self and the other” ratio frequency. To test the hypothesis, historical data of the classical period was chosen from ancient Iran, early and middle centauries of Islam based on Smelser approach and was discussed based on sociological historical survey method, the strategy of integration of concepts to understand history of sociology, with using the concepts “self and the other” ratio frequency in Martin Buber’s view. The research findings with the assumption of the “Ich-Du” and “Ich-Es” relations in “Self and the other” relationship has led to multiple patterns and are visualizable.

Reviewing Iranian contemporary history from the Tobacco Movement up until now reveals that all great economic transformations in the country were followed by important political transformations. This research using inductive method investigates the one-way relationship between economy and politics in all ten major economic transformations occurred in this period of time. For better understanding the relationship between economic and political transformations the theory of relative deprivation is employed. Now in year 2019 the country is suffering from an important economic crisis because of the unilateral US sanctions, and this crisis too will be inevitably followed by a political transformation. The aim of this research is to enable ourselves to manage such a political transformation based on the historical lessons we learned from history. In the end, it is concluded that the best possible outlet will be using democratic means for overcoming the following political crisis. This same solution was employed to overcome a similar crisis happened in year 2012, and the country was saved from violence because a well-participated presidential election took place in the year after and the public believed that a huge political change was possible.

Elections, as conducted in liberal democracies, are the means by which citizens elect the individuals they desire for public office and grant them the power to exercise power. Hence, elections are a key component of the democratization process expected to transparently, freely, fairly and peacefully make change in government and the distribution of power in a political system. Yet, elections are also competitive processes that can provide the context for tensions, disputes and sometimes long-term conflicts with political violence and, consequently, lead to political and social instability. This is where the issue of electoral disputes and how to resolve them become important. Disputes are inherent components in the electoral process that may happen at any stage of the electoral cycle (pre, during, and post-election stages). Hence, the present study has tried to identify and classify mechanisms used to resolve post-election disputes through a Theoretical Analysis on related studies. Based on the findings of the study, there are three types of resolution mechanisms of electoral disputes, including: formal/governmental mechanisms, informal/alternative mechanisms and, integrated, i.e. the use of a combination of formal and informal mechanisms. Here, it is recommended to shift from more emphasis on the approach and the use of formal mechanisms towards the integrated approach and the use of informal/alternative mechanisms as complementary to formal mechanisms appropriate to the type of political system, electoral system, socio-cultural contexts and type of dispute in any country.

This paper seeks to examine the economic institutions of the Pahlavi court as one of the hidden pillars of the Pahlavi regime by analyzing it as a neo-patrimonial regime. The paper seeks to answer two questions: 1. What was the process of formation and development of economic activities of The Royal court ? 2. What causes the formation and continuation of the process of personal wealth accumulation by the court?To this end, the evolvement and development of the Pahlavi court's economic institutions, namely the Royal Landed Properties Department, the Organization of Pahlavi Real Properties and most importantly the Pahlavi Foundation, were examined using first-hand sources. Based on the analysis of the reasons for the formation of these institutions, findings of the research show that although the psychological tendencies of two Pahlavi monarchs for personal wealth accumulation cannot be ignored, the most important reasons for these tendencies were twofold: 1. providing the necessary funds for operating various clientelistic mechanisms by the court, and 2. establishing a financial basis for the court to be used in times of crisis independently from the state. The paper argues that without due regard to such institutions and their key functions, understanding the nature of the Pahlavi regime and the role of the royal court at the center of Iranian politics at the time will not be possible.

The School of Political Science, just as the other modern schools in contemporary Iran, established as a necessity brought about by the modernity, and this necessity has always been signalized the necessity of applicability of political science. The early curricula of the School of Political Science and the works of the early Iranian modernists denote that the failure of the political science in becoming "applicable" is essentially related to the failure of the modernity's project in Iran. Explaining this failure pays our way to understanding that one. In this paper, through studying the suggestions of Muhammad Ali Foroughi, one of the outstanding master of the School, and at the same time one of the most important modernists in the era of constitutional revolution, we will attempt to show that early political modernists in Iran, in spite of their circumspections in revealing their intentions, conveyed their essentially liberal-democratic principle implicitly. If we take the relation between the theology of liberal democracy, modern political science and its "applicable" character into account seriously, then we can see the role of people such as Muhammad Ali Foroughi, beyond the compiling and teaching in the School of Political Science, as a strategic action to fight for liberal-democratic values.

The main concern of this research is the issue of development in Iran. The paper seeks to prove that the first modern state in Iran (the First Pahlavi) during the cycle of its life had been ceased in the third phase (rapid growth) and hence failed to mature. Barrowing the term from Ichak Adizes, we call the cessation in this phase of transition as the "Founder's Trap". Using the analytical framework of the life cycle of the organization, the goal is to describe the first Pahlavi’s organizational life cycle, explain the captivity of this regime in the snare of founder's trap, and analyze the failure of the national development policies of Reza Shah according to this framework. The conclusion of the paper is that Founder's Trap has transmitted to next governments in Iran and has caused the political system to remain “path-dependent” and never mature. Hence, while the necessary conditions have been provided sometimes, the sufficient condition (successful transition from the Founder's Trap and political system’s attainment of stability and evolution) hasn’t been provided and consequently, national development hasn’t realized. So instead of developmental state, The predatory state instituted in Iran. It should be noted that the holistic analytical approach is dominant in this article. In addition, the historical-comparative method and the narrative-historical interpretation technique have been used for causal explanation of events.