پژوهشنامه تاریخ های محلی ایران
سال هشتم شماره 16 (بهار و تابستان 1399)

Although Borkhar county includes the plain and mountainous regions of northern part of Isfahan, the rich historical-cultural background, the strategic importance of their ancient highways, the plurality of settlements, their influential roles in the economic and social aspects of the region , Political and cultural affairs of the Isfahan, considering the Central Plateau of Iran, they are less attended by the historical researchers, moreover; there is not much information about its various historical aspects; hence, in the present research, Historically, in the form of library studies and field observations, it is attempting to identify the background of the region in the pre and Islam era, their administrative structure, historical evolution and socio-economic situation of the region during the Sassanid and Qajar periods. Based on the results of this study, it was revealed that Borkhar was one of the major religious and cultural centers of the Isfahan in the Sassanid period. The importance of this area during the Islamic era was due to their important highways, locations, cultivated lands, and also their influential roles affecting a number of historical events, particularly in 3rd and 4th AH as well as Seljuq and Safavid dynasty and its residential areas developed remarkabl.

The unstable role of the Samanids over a century in Tabarestan was not without effect. The main element in the political and military domination of the Khorasan amirs in the province was the widespread unrest following the rise of the Alawites, the weakening of the Abbasid Caliphate, and especially the conversion of Tabarestan into a refuge for sinful commanders and claimants. The military conquest of Tabarestan in this time can be actually in line with the policy and intentions of the Al-e Saman government. In such a storm of fire and blood, the sword of a Dailamid’s skirmishers in the boiling furnace of Tabarestan events, instigated and devised by the Samanids, undoubtedly laid the foundation of the dialectic governments, not only the fate of Iran; Rather, it will transform the political and military life of Islamic lands and the caliphate. The result was that Tabarestan, which itself did not have the requisite integrity to establish a stable government at the beginning of the fourth century AH, was subject to political stability by the end of the fourth century. The research method in this paper is descriptive-analytical and based on references to sources and references.

Historical events in addition to time span affected by regional extension. This factor makes the researcher of history inevitably scrutinizing the location of events. A’lam's history and developments have not been exempt from this rule. A’lam is the northern most point in the province of Hamedan, which is connected to important government centers such as Hamedan, Qazvin and Soltanieh via communication routes. For this reason, the political and religious significance of its use by the rulers in crossing these cities has been used by the rulers. Therefore, the routes of communication, along with the geographical position and the extent of the land, give it the importance of a path that is not hidden from the eyes of rulers, tribes, and religious groups. Now, to understand the history of this land, knowing the geography and historical background of the A’lam is of great significance. The findings of the present study indicate that this place was of high geopolitical importance due to its lowland and smooth terrain that facilitated traffic along its route and along the Kharqan Mountain.

During the Islamic period, Qom has been known as the second religious center in Iran due to the shrine of Masoumeh (AS). The influence of the religious factor in introducing this city is so that a group of historians believe that before the emergence of Islam, there was no urban base in this region. Despite the scattered research that has been done about the antiquity of Qom, there are many ambiguities about the exact time of the creation of this city and its builders. Therefore, in the present research which is based on the purpose of basic research type and based on the nature and method of historical research type, most of the written sources spoken about the historical background of Qom were carefully studied. In addition, for scientific and more accurate interpretation of the mentioned sources reports and in accordance with them, the results obtained from the archaeological research conducted in the ancient sites of Qom were evaluated. According to the results, Qom plain, which  had been considered by various human societies since the sixth millennium BC,due to its special geographical location, had a relatively prestigious urban base in the late Sassanid period. The Sassanid city of Qom in the year 23 A.H was conquered by the Muslims, however, the first group of Arabs who belonged to the Ash'ari clan settled in this place in the late first century A.H and as a result of their efforts during a century to develop different areas of the region, Qom was recognized as an independent Kūreh in 189 AH.

The province of Kohgiluyeh in the Safavid era (1135-907 AH) was one of the most important states and one of the Biglarbegian and included several rulers including Hawizeh, Dezful and Basra. Its geographical area started from the modern city of Yasuj and ended at the shores of the Persian Gulf in the port of Deylam and included areas such as Behbahan and Ramhormoz. The Safavid kings always attached special importance and prestige to this province. Much of this attention was due to its strategic position and military might. Security in the Persian Gulf was also provided through this state. This situation caused the rule and sovereignty of Kohgiluyeh province to be handed over to the powerful and influential leaders of Afshar tribe for nearly a century. The political situation and the special climatic and mountainous features of some parts of it attracted the attention of the opponents of the Safavid government. At times, it was a refuge and stronghold for the struggle of the opponents of the Safavid government, and this itself required more attention from the government. The present study is based on the question of the political and military role of Kohgiluyeh province in the Safavid era. This research is a historical research with "descriptive-analytical" method and using library resources and field studies. Historical data have been collected, then evaluated and analyzed, and finally inferred from it.

Fars province has been one of the most important parts of Iran's land throughout history. In the Nader Shah’s period, this state was one of the most troublesome areas that occurred frequently in those insurrections. Several fields have caused them to emerge. The insurgency led to the occasional rushing of rare forces and, in some cases, changes in its political structure. Of these, three riots, Sheikh Ahmad Madani, Mohammad Khan Baluch and Mohammad Taqi Khan are of great importance. The main question is why the riots broke out? What causes them to occur? This article, by examining the existing documents and refreshing them again through descriptive analysis, seeks to take a fresh look at this issue. This study showed that, despite the apparent factors such as the injustice and aggressiveness of Nader Shah’s financial agents and the presence of non-native forces, the existence of powerful urban elements and rich landowners were the main causes of these three revolts.

The effort of one of the strategic regions of Iran, located in the west of the Caspian Sea, has been very effective in determining the political borders due to its special position. Simultaneously with the extinction of the Safavids, most landowners, in an effort to protect their own interests, turned to the Russian government. After Nader Shah Afshar, a suitable ground was prepared for the formation of independent and semi-independent khanates, and during the reign of Karim Khan Zand, due to the peace in the borders, the Khans had unstable relations with the Russians. During the Qajar period, and especially at the same time with the conclusion of the Golestan and Turkmenchay treaties, which led to the division of the Talesh region, the position of the Khans towards Russia became more apparent. What are the reasons for the growing presence of Russians in the region and the turning away from the Iranian government in the political dispute between Iran and Russia? Attention to the level of power, domination and supervision of the then government of Iran in the effort on the one hand and the expansionist policy of Peter the Great on the other hand caused the Russians to pay unprecedented attention to the readers of the effort. According to the findings of the present study, this change of position has been affected by the conditions of colonial development in the world, the readers' sense of independence and lack of military and political supporters by the Iranian government. The present article seeks to investigate the political behaviors of the readers of Talesh in the Qajar period following the Iran-Russia wars and its impact on the outcome of the war using a descriptive-analytical method.

The trade of weapons greatly prospered during the years before World War I in the Persian Gulf. The easy access of British opposition forces in India to these weapons was prompted by British authorities’ efforts to ban this trade in the Persian Gulf. In this regard by British referring, the trade of weapons in Iran was banned by the Iranian authorities in 1881/ 1897 AD. Bushehr, a major port in the Persian Gulf and Iran during the Qajar era, was one of the main centers of trade of weapon. The social and tribal conditions of the southern regions of Iran had fueled this trade in Bushehr.The present study is a historical and analytical-explanatory approach based on library sources and unconventional documents with this question that following the prohibition of weapon trade in the Persian Gulf and Iran, what factors led to the continued entrance of weapon into the form of smuggling to Bushehr, as the center of weapon distribution in the southern areas of Iran? Hypothesis: Analyzes and evaluates the profits of the weapon trade and the social conditions and tribal structure of the southern regions that led to the proliferation of weapon entrance to Bushehr through smuggling. Historical findings and evidence indicate that the weapon trade in Bushehr was not disrupted as a trading center and continued in the form of smuggling.

Salar al-Dowleh’s riot was one of the events that greatly affected the political-social situation of Iran following the constitutional revolution. Salar al-Dowleh, son of Mozaffar al-Din Shah, who for many years governed the western provinces of the country, campaigned several times for various pretexts against the newly constitutional government. He was supported by the Khans and tribes of the west of the country in these campaigns, among which, Nazar Ali Khani, the ruler of Ṫarhān, played a major role in comparison with other the Khans of the Pishkuh Lorestan. Accompanying the Khans of the western provinces of the country, including Nazar Ali Khan, with the Salar al-Dowleh to oppose the constitution, is one of the controversial issues of constitutional history. By a descriptive-analytical method, this paper intends to use the available resources, memories and documents from these events, to examine the role of Nazar Ali Khan in in the riot of Salar al-Dowleh and to answer these questions: Which aims and motives of Nazar Ali Khan in collaboration with Salar al-Dowleh have been? Why, in spite of the weakness of the central government and the plurality and power of the nomadic forces, the riots finally failed? Why did Nazar Ali Khan withdraw from Salar al-Dowleh and not accompany him in the third attack?

Being a Kalantar (police officer) was one of  the important royal position in kerman in Qajar era and it was considered a high rank among official ranks in the state. The most important duty of a Kalantar was collecting taxes, providng discipline, security and supervision of food preparation and distribution among people. The presrnt research answers the following questions: what were the conditions for obtaining the position of Kalantar (police officer) during the Qajar period? How did they change the power structure of this position?  In addition to investigating Kalantari duties, we also investigate the royal  of a Kalantar in political and social changes in kerman society.To provide answers for the mentioned questions, analytical and descriptive methods, library sources and also papers published in Qajar era were used to study about Kalantar position in kerman. The research findings show that Kalantar was chosen by the ruler or governor of the state and this position passed among individuals in powerful tribes in kerman. Kalantari power structure decreased due to lake of qualification of Kalantars in doing their duties or supporting political riots and also tribal competitions to win this position and also arrival of other powerful groups. They paved the way for more poverty among people by collecting taxes and evaluating basic goods hastily and without consulting. Also their unwise reactions against Sheikhiyya sect and their opponents caused city riots.

After the conquest of Tehran, Bakhtiari Khans have achieved the highest levels of state and executive power from the position of tribal leaders for the first time. Achieving Bakhtiari Khans to power in second constitutional governments was accompanied by ups and downs that had effects across the country, especially in the Fars province. What effect did Bakhtiari Khans’s power fluctuation have on the developments and events in Fars during the years 1909 lunar until 1913 lunar? This is a question that is described and explained based on new sources and documents and with descriptive and analytical method in this research. An examination of this issue reveals that the position and conditions of Bakhtiari Khans in the second constitutional governments directly influenced the equations of power and political and social conditions of the Fars province. Their one-sided interference and positioning caused instability, increased tensions and clashes between the political forces and, as a result, it was the grund for intervention and presence of British forces in Fars. Finally, with the power decline of Bakhtiari khans in the government, it was returned the relative calm and balance of power among the political forces to Fars.

The selecting of Tehran as the capital of the Qajar dynasty, along with events such as the entrance of colonial countries, the movement towards modernity and World War II, faced the city with many social challenges, including increasing crime. The series of books "Social History of Tehran in the Thirteenth Century" written by Jafar Shahri is one of the relatively reliable first-hand sources for studying the social history of Tehran in the late Qajar and early Pahlavi periods, which addresses issues such as normal and delinquent behavior of ordinary people and their relations. Is. The main issue of this article is to examine the mentioned crimes from a criminological perspective. In this regard, the content of the series of book has been examined from the criminological theories point of view through content analysis and descriptive-analytical method. The main subject of the article is the study of the typology of crimes in Tehran in those days and the analysis of the contexts and factors of committing crimes from a criminological perspective. The results of this study indicate the existence of crimes such as abuse of opium drug, intoxication, theft, fraud, bribery and extortion, murder, prostitution and child abuse in Tehran at that time; Factors such as poverty, unemployment, migration and corruption of the government and administrative system have been effective in the emergence and continuation of such crimes.

This study attempted to examine the performance of minor baladias during Pahlavi I. Minor baladia in Fars refers to the municipalities of Fars, except Shiraz. In these areas, the number of members of the Baldaia Association was only six. In those regions, baladia was a newly emerging system, where people for the first time benefited from civil service. In this era, baladia turned into a mere means of governance, where the role of people diminished. Nonetheless, its performance affected the everyday life more than other state-run departments. The method used in this research is descriptive-analytic and document research. The purpose of this research is to provide a comprehensive picture of the activities of Small Baladias. The questions that this research seeks to answer include: a. how did governance in small and remote areas use public services? B. What was the most important problem for the government in providing services in remote areas? The research results are: 1) The government was trying to increase the number of municipalities 2) The baladias was provided urban services as much as possible, 3) in most areas of baladia, there was insufficient capability for civil service due to poor financial resources. Furthermore, this study attempted to figure out the root cause of key problems in small baladias.

conditions of farmers in Isfahan. A descriptive-analytical approach is used to investigate this issue and the method of data collection will be libraries and documents. The findings of the present study show that the Allied occupation of the country had a devastating impact on Iranian agriculture, which formed the main basis of the country's economy. To cope with the farmers' problems, the government took initiatives and policies such as repairing of canals and irrigation networks, encouraging farmers to cultivate the spring and pay long-term loans to farmers. But ultimately, these policies are very useful and effective because of the uncertainties of the states, the differences and conflicts between individuals and groups of different political and ethnic groups, the presence and defeat of foreign occupation forces, the drought and the impoverishment of agricultural products. And the agriculture of Isfahan, as in other parts of Iran, experienced worse conditions than before the occupation of the country by the Allies.

Choosing name for companies, Institutions, schools, and public universities in any government is related to its ideology. No doubt, any choice is appropriate to the views, thoughts and opinions of the authorities or decision-makers of that government. In other words, the survey of public schools’ names is to study the ideology governing that society. The objective of this paper is to analyze the selected names for the schools of Lorestan province during the Pahlavi era. In this regard it has to been tried to provide an answer to these questions by descriptive-analytic method and exploring archival documents: what’s the relationship between selected names and ruling politics? What titles have been used for Lorestan schools during the first and second Pahlavi periods? What are the effective factors in choosing the name of Lorestan schools? The findings of this research show that the general views of Pahlavi government with ideological components such as nationalism, emphasis on Persian language, Archaism and centralization, -through government officials and agencies and departments of education- had a direct impact on choosing the name of schools in the province, and the type of school names in the first Pahlavi period is significantly different from the second, affected by historical events and the displacement of power.