مجله تاریخ ایران
سال سیزدهم شماره 1 (پیاپی 86، بهار و تابستان 1399)

The Impression and Influence of Intellectual Concepts and Beliefs have always been the subject of scholars’ research throughout of history. One of these kinds of the intellectual influence is the evolution of the creation’s myths in religions’ beliefs that had influenced by the previous concepts and religions. Mani, as the creator of the Manichean, spent much of his intellectual and mental life among believers in Gnostic thought, and was influenced by these beliefs when the Mechanism was formed by him. An important and widespread part of Mani's teachings and beliefs, is the creation myth that carried the pretext of Mani of his Prophecy that need to reconstruction of the fundamental creative elements and stories that we can See Gnostic roots of these teachings, in survey and analyzing his ideas about the creation. Mani not only in the context of his creation story but also in the concepts and elements of his creation myths had used the Gnostic beliefs. The identity and style of the myths of this mythical story, though new shaped, are same old concepts of Gnostic patterns. Therefore, this study aims to examine the Gnostic roots of the myth of Mani’s creation story and by descriptive and analytical method of primary sources of Mani and his Believers, has reconstruct of structures and concepts of the Manichean and the influence of the Gnosticism on this sources. And it concluded that Mani not only used Gnostic themes in recreating the story of the creation myth, but also use these beliefs in the elements and concepts of his creation story.

The military plays the main role in creating, stability and continuity of a government. The structure of Safavid's army had been formed by various groups such as Qizilbāsh amīrs, governors of province and Third Forces (Caucasian elements), etc. In the late Safavid's era (1677-1722), the conflict between different military groups in the pursuit of authorities, interests, superiority and military conquests broke out and in confrontation with political crisis, sprang from local and foreign events, caused to the weakness of performance and function of the military organization in a way that one can name it as a political factor of instability in the late safavids. This study seeks to analyze and explain the impact of the conflicts of the military forces on the political instability in the late Safavid era through a historical method and based on Historical sources.

One of the ancient Iranian gods is Zorvan. This god has been mentioned in the Pahlavi writings to the god of time. As can be seen from these texts, The basis of this belief is the circulation of Stars (Akhtar) and their impact on human destiny and consequently determinism and fatalism. This study, based on a descriptive-analytic method with library study, selected from among the main texts of Iranian folk-written folk tales three tales of Darab nama of Tarsus, The issues of this study are: what effect did Zorvan have on the reported popular texts, what components of his beliefs do these texts contain, and the frequency of which beliefs are the most prevalent. The most important Zorvanism beliefs reflected in these stories include: Soothsaying and astrology, negative view of woman, belief in fate and destiny, belief in the punishment and rewards of this world, reference to the ancient god, blame of avarice, meaningful reflection of the numbers as tewelve and seven, fortunes, the high-frequency presence of the sages, and the various and extraordinary creations. In terms of frequency, respectively, fate and fate inevitably with 42, Astrology with 33, Wise Men with 27, extraordinary creations with 26, Negative view on Women with 23, Number of Twelve with 17, Number of seven with 14, punishment for this world with 10, blame of avarice with 7, fortune with 7, and God forbid with 1 has the most frequency.

The Iranian time and the Persian language concepts have been condensed and accumulated by the plurality and accelerated events of the last hundred years. The semantic chaos is manifested in a lexical field of a concept where apparently synonymous words compete. Understanding these semantic ambiguities and latent relationships of power and ideology in discourses generating these words require analyzing different semantic layers accumulated in various temporal layers of contemporary history of socio-political concepts of Persian language. As such, the present study aims to develop a theoretical model to show how a particular concept in a particular historical period is signified by different words and how these words experience semantic changes and how situations accelerate the emergence, spread and wane of a word or concept. Additionally, the theoretical model attempts to understand the struggle and convergences of words in a field and their intertextual relationships in order to reach those conflicting moments in the contemporary history in which a discourse wins and in the light of that victory, makes a particular situation hegemonic. In the present paper, we propose an analytical model in which Fairclough’s critical discourse analysis plays the main role but two complementary approaches from semantics and history, i.e. lexical field by Jost Trier and conceptual history by Reinhart Koselleck, are applied as well to explore contemporary socio-political concepts. We believe that applying this model could clarify the ideologies behind each concept and word and make the “present” more understandable.

non-formality, self-governance, and relative independence of this institution were believed to be the historical characteristics of procedural tradition in Iran. In the modern era, modernization of institutions and procedural practices in Iran is held to be one of the reforming measures during the Qajar and Pahlavi Sate. As for the reform, we can refer to judiciary modernization in the 1960s in the form of the White Revolution. This institution was formed to promote judicial fairness and procedural facilities in rural areas. With descriptive-analytical method and available documents and resources, this paper aims to study the foundations and functions of the Houses of Equity institution, and answer the question as to “what were the most important goals and functions of the Houses of Equity institution?”  The findings of the research indicate that we need to analyze and understand the formation of this institution in the context of the goals of the White Revolution in order to understand the formation and function of the Houses of Equity. The houses aimed to promote state bureaucracy in procedural scope by benefitting from existing traditional forces and procedures, and develop a formal trial from a non-formal trial.

The institution of the “vizierate” was the center of Iran's bureaucratic order throughout history. The “vizier” was at the head of the system with various titles, such as the grand chancellor, the chancellor, etc., were administering the country with heads of the bureaux assistance. Some efforts were made to renovate the Iran’s bureaucratic system from the time of Nasser al-Din Shah. These efforts were two-fold: the creation of multiple ministries and the modification of the position of the Chancellor. This was simply not possible as a change in the institution of the “vizierate”. Because the institutions resisted the change. By the end of the reign of Mozaffar al-Din Shah, numerous ministerial titles were created, while the focus of affairs remained on the chancellery, without the "multiple ministries" being transformed. The blow of the Constitutional Revolution provided the force needed to make a sudden change in the “vizierate” structure. This realization came about through a new meaning consolidation of the concept of “Vizier”. This semantic consolidation was realized through the concept of "responsible minister." The concept of "responsible minister" in the bureaucratic and political contexts of Iran, had roots in the Nasseri and Mozaffari era reformists. Following the victory of the constitution, the realization of the constitutional government was considered as the "responsibility" of the ministers. On the other hand, the turbulences of the first months after the victory of the Constitutional Revolution transformed the form of the executive system and the concept of ministry into a central issue for political activists. The unification of these two factors provided the basis for a change in the institution of the “vizierate”, the removal of numerous pre-constitutional ministerial titles, and the creation of new ministries as a new institution.

From the middle of the Sassanid period, the function of the divergent forces was more to dislodge the Sassanid system. Power, that is, the Muslims, began, and due to the needs of the Muslims, various political, military, economic, and cultural components of the Sassanid system joined the new system of the caliphate. The conquerors also used short-term and long-term plans to consolidate themselves and weaken the resilience of the Iranshahr government. The question was what was the analysis of the role of the divergent forces from the Iranshahri government in the decline of the Sassanids until the emergence of the Khorasanian movement? In this regard, it is assumed that the divergent forces had a great influence on the economic, political, military, social and religious elements in the fall of the Sassanids and the weakening of the reactions of the Iranians in the post-Sassanid period and the Arab rulers. This research is done using historical methods and by analyzing the structural function in sociology based on the theory of coherence disorder. The findings show that the infrastructure of the Sassanid fall and the continuation of the rule of the Arab governors, in terms of the function of the divergent forces of the Iranshahri government (in this period) in internal and external dimensions and with different methods of action. Despite the narrative and motivational perspectives on the period, the fall of the Sassanids, and the continued lack of government in Iran, originated from numerous sources, mainly formed during the Sassanid period, some of which were strongly encouraged by Arab governors and immigrants. And historical research has been general in nature and at the same time the reasons for its incoherence have been multifaceted.