نشریه مطالعات بین المللی
سال هفدهم شماره 1 (پیاپی 65، تابستان 1399)

North Korea's nuclear activity has continued as a continuing crisis since the Cold War. In particular, with North Korea acquiring ballistic missiles and intercontinental ballistic missiles, the crisis has spread beyond the East Asian region, causing tensions and insecurity in the international system. The United States, which from the beginning has put North Korea's nuclear disarmament program on its foreign policy agenda in the East Asian region, but With the inauguration of Donald Trump as the 45th President of the United States, he has pursued tougher policies to disarm North Korea, ranging from threats and sanctions to negotiations and agreements. So, looking at the course of Trump's confrontation and interaction with North Korea, the fundamental question arose: how can Donald Trump's foreign policy in the face of the North Korean nuclear crisis be explained? To answer this question, using the theory of James Rosenau, we examine the issue at the level of microanalysis. The research findings show that the political, security and strategic interests of each of the two countries make this crisis unresolved by Donald Trump. In this research, the method of paying attention to the problem is descriptive-descriptive and information is collected by documentary method.

The independence of the Iraqi Kurdistan region is in line with the long-term interests of Israel and the United States and in continuation of realization of strategic goals and the expansion of their influence on the western borders of Iran. Their presence in the region and their full support for the military actions of the separatist groups Komala, Democrats and PJAK, which are based in Iraqi Kurdistan and near the borders of Iranian Kurdistan, has caused an ethnic crisis and weakened the territorial integrity of the Kurdish regions of Iran. The purpose of this study is to explain and investigate the role of severe security threats to the independence of the Iraqi Kurdish region in undermining the territorial integrity of the Kurdish regions of Iran and by using filing tools and descriptive-analytical methods, it answers the question of how the severe security threats to the independence of the Iraqi Kurdistan region have weakened the territorial integrity of the Kurdish regions of Iran? The research findings show that the independence of this region through the threats of Kurdish separatist groups such as Komala, Democrats and PJAK and the threats of Israeli and American presence in this region has paved the way for Kurdish separatist groups and Israeli and American agents to move to the western borders of Iran and has weakened the territorial integrity of the Kurdish regions of Iran.

The positions and foreign policies of great powers have always had a tangible impact on the international and regional systems. The Yemeni crisis began in 2011 on the one hand due to national issues and internal problems and popular dissatisfaction, and on the other hand due to regional and transnational developments, and took on a new form in 2015 with the arrival of transnational actors. Among the transnational actors, the United States, the Arab League led by Saudi Arabia, the UAE, and Iran play a more prominent role than the other actors. The main question is how the US policy and position on the Yemeni crisis is assessed? The research hypothesis states that the main policy of the United States is to create a balance of power between Saudi Arabia and Iran, and in this regard, to provoke tensions and conflicts between the parties involved to reduce Iran's power and Saudi Arabia's greater dependence on the West. The US approach suggests that escalating tensions are increasing the Arab Gulf states' dependence on the West and US weapons, and that the oil and human resources of the Islamic countries in the region are being spent on destroying each other, a policy that Israel strongly encourages. In the present study, we are trying to analyze the data using descriptive-analytical methods and document analysis. The theoretical framework of the research is focused on using the theory of regional contour and SPIEGEL systems, especially the system of intervening foreign actors. The ultimate goal of the study is to assist the Iranian foreign policy apparatus in planning regional policies.

NATO is one of the international organizations for collective and military security. With the collapse of the Soviet Union, NATO lost its existential philosophy, but international crises including the Persian Gulf War and the Kosovo crisis and… led it in 1997 to formally announce its goal of world peace and security. The 2001 wars in Afghanistan and the 2003 wars in Iraq made NATO a neighbor of Iran in addition to Turkey, and NATO began to cooperate extensively with Iran's other neighbors. Now, the main question of the research is "Given the NATO’S policy of expanding to the east, what are the types of predictable behavioral scenarios of this presence in the environment of Iran for the national security of the Islamic Republic of Iran?" The research method is analytical and scenario writing methods and the information has been collected in the form of documents. The overall result also shows that, given the deepening NATO presence in the periphery of the Islamic Republic of Iran and the fact that the United States is leading NATO, it has hostile relations with the Islamic Republic of Iran. Predictable scenarios of NATO’S behavior are a range of high-risk, low-risk, and cooperative scenarios, and the extent to which these scenarios pose threats and opportunities to Iran's national security depends on the strategies that Iran's foreign policy adopts. That is to say, threatening or de-escalating behavior, in addition to the extent in which Iran is able to strengthen its various powers, is influential in NATO's future treatment of Iran.