نشریه سیاست متعالیه
پیاپی 30 (پاییز 1399)

The purpose of the present study is to elaborate on the place of science in governmental jurisprudence and jurisprudential systems. Using an analytical method, this research has dealt with the essence, levels, issues, principles, methodology and outcomes of the theory of the origin of issuance. According to the results of the study, it can be asserted that the first level of theology is designated to “revelation and exegeses of the infallible interpreters” and the second level to the “accurate”, “comprehensive”, “systematic”, and “governmental” inference of the Islamic jurist based on religion. This theory holds that all scientific issues including cosmology and its prescriptions exist in the Noble Qur’an. Some of the most significant results of the theory of the origin of issuance involve achieving the governmental jurisprudence and its jurisprudential systems such as economy, politics, security, art, media, and so on.

The purpose of this study is to analyze the arguments for the authoritarianism in Farabi’s utopia. The most significant arguments by the supporters of this idea were mentioned relying upon three elements of hegemony, utopianism, and violence in Farabi’s utopia. Using an interpretative method, it was attempted to derive the reasonings behind authoritarianism in Farabi’s utopia in order to prove their inaccuracy based on the detailed exegesis of Farab’is texts. The results showed that although there is hegemony in the relationship between the members in Farabi’s utopia, it is not authoritarian. Furthermore, the evidences revealed that his imagined community is free from utopian aspects as he has attempted to present a perfect society in the realm of real time and place not in the world of spiritual essences. Violence in the form mentioned by the supporters of the abovementioned idea has no place in Farabi’s utopia.

The purpose of the present study is to survey the relationship between religion and politics in the ideology of jurists during the Qajar dynasty. To this aim, Skinner’s hermeneutics was used to analyze the link between religion and politics in the view of jurists back then, the necessity of chairmanship and government based on jurisprudence, and the relationship between the jurists and kings in that period. Moreover, it was attempted to review some aspects of the political jurisprudence during the Qajar dynasty based on which some of the most important transformations such as Persian constitutionalism took place in that period. The results showed that the power of Shi’ite scholars and their popularity among people made the cruel state in that age in need of their support. The jurists also made use of their religious legitimacy and authority as well as popularity among people to fulfill the Shi’ites’ welfare and prosperity through their contacts with the kings. Due to lack of its religious backup and common popularity, the kingdom of Qajar was in need of Shi’ite jurists to support them, thus the jurists made use of this opportunity to emphasize on the right of common people and their needs in their contacts with the kings. The Persian constitutional government that was not so successful in Iranian society was a reminder of this fact for the Shi’ite jurists that civil order coming from western ideology has no place in Iran and hence the only way to find salvation from tyranny is to establish an Islamic state and implement Islamic rules.

The purpose of the present study is to review some social preventive measures in the Islamic Republic of Iran to protect freedom of thought and speech based on the Islamic instructions. The method of study is descriptive analysis and the results showed that Islam has offered special social preventives measures to protect freedom of thought and speech as this subject has widely been taken into consideration in Islamic texts. Furthermore, Islam has also offered some other measures such as rationalism, poverty prevention, extension of free and critical thinking, spread of religious arguments, giving advice to the officials, and the protection of critics in order to decrease likely crimes in this field. Therefore, the above measures should be taken into account before any disciplinary or penal measure in order to protect freedom of thought and speech. It should be noted that the implementation of the preventive measures does not intend to omit penal and disciplinary measures, but rather they should also be definitely used as the last step for those who refuse preventive measures and just follow their own deviated way.

The purpose of the present study is to review the essence of government during occultation from the perspective of Seyed Ja’far Kashfi, one of the Shi’ite scholars in the Fath Ali Shah Qajar dynasty. In this regard descriptive analysis was used to survey the principles of political thinking, relationship between Seyed Ja’far Kashfi and Fath Ali Shah Qajar, necessity of government, various forms of government, and the characteristics of a ruler from his viewpoint. The results showed that Seyed Ja’far Kashfi, setting some strict conditions for the characteristics of a ruler jurist, did not acknowledge any of the jurists in his age as a qualified candidate for this position. This viewpoint is enough for him to defend the theory of simultaneous chairmanship of 2 learned scholars or twin rulers for the matter of norms and religious issues in society. In his view, a fair king would govern the worldly affairs as his validity and legitimacy exclusively comes from the Treaty of Malek Ashtar; and a jurist would govern religious affairs such as Hesbi issues (charity), judgement, mortmain property and so on. This theory that was also considered in later periods, is somehow a foundation for constitutionalism because it defends the authority of a king to govern the civil affairs not definitely mentioned in the Qur’anic verses (Gheyr-Mansusat) and the authority of a jurist to implement the definite rules in the Qur’an (Mansusat).

The purpose of the present study is to survey the transformation course of the concept of Nafy-e Sabil (non-dependency rule) in the Islamic jurisprudence of Shi’ism using a historical approach. In this regard, descriptive analysis was used to show that the inclusion circle of non-dependency rule has moved through a gradual course to a conceptual extension to explain hegemony and refute its various forms. Jurists during the Qajar dynasty compared to the former jurists paid more attention to the verse of non-dependency rule, especially in terms of political and social issues. It doesn’t seem that proposing non-dependency rule as a jurisprudential principle in the middle of the Qajar dynasty and the hegemony of western countries over other ones including Islamic states has merely been coincidental, but rather Shi’ite jurists have been paying attention to the general implications of the 141st verse of Surah an-Nisa’. The above concept has undergone a serious jump since the middle of the 13th century A.H. as the non-dependency rule began to be classified as a jurisprudential principle in this period. One of the causes for this important subject in the political jurisprudence of Shi’ism relates to a significant social and political fact back then, that is the hegemony of Kuffar (non-believers) over Muslims. The non-dependency rule in the modern era in which we witness the intellectual, economic, and political hegemony of modern western countries over other societies including a vast part of Islamic world has had definite political usage. Shi’ite scholars in the modern era with regard to the political implications of the above-mentioned rule, have set it as the theoretical basis to fight against foreign hegemony.

The purpose of the present study is to explore the qualification of those who take part in a transaction with special emphasis on the ideas of Feyz Kashani on the admissibility of transaction with children in micro-level issues as well as the discrepancies between his ideas and other jurists’. In this regard, the social and political requirements of the admissibility of transaction with children in micro-level issues were studied based on the viewpoints of Feyz Kashani. The method of study was descriptive analysis and the results showed that accepting the validity of transaction with children would lead to the extension of the concept of political and social participation. The permissibility of transaction with children in micro-level issues implies the permissibility of their participation in micro-level social and political issues as well. There is a sort of correlation between the two above-mentioned aspects which permits the participation of children in social and political micro-level activities and legitimizes their presence in some social activities such as “councils”, “elections”, “voting” and so on in order to give their ideas in micro-level issues.

The purpose of the present study is to explain the criteria for the guardianship of the Islamic Jurist with an emphasis on the political ideas of Imam Khomeini. To this aim, descriptive analysis was used in this study to make an enquiry about the essence and arguments of the guardianship of the Islamic jurist, the jurists’ obligation to establish an Islamic state, the virtues and vices of the Islamic jurist’s political ethics, as well as the responsibility and authority of the Islamic jurist. Based on the triplet classification model in Islam and the framework of Imam Khomeini’s political ideology, the subject under study that is the guardianship of the Islamic jurist was classified into 3 aspects of political philosophy, political ethics, and political jurisprudence. In general, 33 criteria for different aspects of the guardianship of the Islamic jurist were extracted including 9 criteria about political philosophy, 15 criteria about political ethics, and 9 criteria about political jurisprudence. Furthermore, the results showed that there is a logical relationship between the 3 above-mentioned classified aspects, that is to say the imperfection and perfection of each aspect is effective on the others as well.

The purpose of the present study is to evaluate public policy of Iran based on the theory of good governance. The method of study is descriptive analysis and the results showed that the Islamic Republic of Iran has not been so successful in public policy in terms of executing the criteria of good governance. However, some potentials such as the constitution, 20-year perspective, and even development plans to guide policy making towards the model of good governance should not be ignored; particularly that by the announcement of general policies of the official system and resistance economy, some strategic and practical procedures have been planned to achieve the standards of good governance.

The purpose of the present study is to explain the principles of political participation in the Islamic Republic of Iran. To this aim, descriptive analysis method was used to analyze the theoretical perceptions in this regard and practical challenges created due to the variety of principles affecting political participation and also lack of common theoretical agreement over the role of people and social forces in the political procedures in the Islamic Republic of Iran as well as the resolutions to leave this challenge behind. The results showed that lack of common theoretical agreement over the principles of political participation, various perceptions about public participation, and dividing the society into contradictory sections has created a sort of theoretical challenge paving the ground for practical difficulties and obstacles in the procedure of development. To get out of this predicament, some democratic strategies are proposed such as persuasive open dialogue, institutionalized participation of people, and competition among civil organizations.

The purpose of the present research is to study the effect of modern driving forces on the realm of culture and policy-making in Iran. This research is merely focused on technological driving forces and relies on a four-type classification of modern technologies including nano, biotechnology, cognitive sciences, and cyberspace. The method of study is descriptive analysis and it has applied policy studies according to the model of public policy-making. The final results were achieved by the analysis of qualitative data aiming to make a correlation between meaning and the surrounding environment as well as the evaluation of the elites. The results showed that cognitive sciences with the score 7 had the highest relationship to other technologies, and cyberspace, nano, and biotechnology were in the 2nd, 3rd, and 4th places respectively.

The objective of the present study is to review the impact of the challenges of political development on the process of coalition and unification in the foreign policy when there is lack of relative agreement among the elites and so the political parties are not institutionalized in society. The method of study is descriptive analysis and the structuration theory was used to show that the challenges of political development in the country not only damage the coalition of parties but also would lead to losing the international opportunities. Islamic Iran’s experience of having differing political orientations and lack of relative agreement among intellectual and political elites in giving a clear definition of national interests has led to the throwback to the past and as a result, a decline in the efficiency of foreign policy. In this regard, paying attention to upstream documents, the constitution, the 20-year perspective, developmental plans, red lines, boosting the culture of political participation, responsibility, institutionalization of parties, coordination among powers, transparency in the definition of national objectives and interests, on the one hand, and overall cognition to the environment, resources, regulations, and international norms and principles, on the other hand, can tremendously decrease the challenges of political development and hence increase the efficiency of Iran’s foreign policy.

The purpose of the present study is to explore the impact of ethnic-religious identities on Iraq’s national identity crisis and a solution to overcome that with emphasis on Lucian Pye’s view (identity crisis). This research was conducted using descriptive-analytical method and the results showed that the political culture prevailing in Iraq including inhomogeneous context, militarism, tribalism, religious-ethnic intra-national identity and so on have deteriorated national identity crisis, and despite legal mechanisms such as Federalism, … in the new era, reaching a national identity has come to a crisis. In order to overcome the national identity crisis, it seems necessary to pay attention to an indigenous model compatible with Iraqi community that can bring unification between all groups based on creating a unifying and yet pluralist model recognizing diversity and co-existing ethnic groups.

The purpose of the present study is to analyze the function of identity in the foreign policy of Saudi Arabia. The research relies on the hypothesis that the Saudi government has followed its foreign policy based on “legitimizing identity”, “resistance identity”, and “project identity”. The theoretical framework of the study, grounded on the identity theory of Manuel Castells, aims to analyze the foreign policy of Saudi Arabia. The method of study is descriptive analysis and the results indicate that Saudi Arabia has followed its foreign policy based on some concepts including Takfir (accusation), reference to the past, religious institutionalism derived from Vahhabiat, Kingdom structure, geopolitical position, and fighting against revolutionary centers in the region. In this regard, this country since the beginning of its establishment has followed the policy of financial and military support of Takfiri groups.

The purpose of the present study is to survey the transformations in Saudi Arabia and the approach of Saudi rulers after the uprising of Juhayman al-Otaybi and the occupation of Masjid a-Haram in 1979. The method of study is descriptive analysis and the hypothesis is that the main reason of change in the performance of Saudi rulers was the uprising of Juhayman al-Otaybi posing a challenge to the legitimacy of Saudi government by a religious movement in a particular way and sensitive time such that it made the establishment give many credits to its extremist clergymen and change its consumerist and western approach to puritanical and conservative adherence to religion. This approach led to extremism in national and international Saudi dialogues and exporting the thoughts of Juhayman to outside Saudi Arabia.

The purpose of the present study is to explore transformations in the course of Salafism. The method of study is descriptive analysis and it deals with how this ideology grew within the contemporary era gradually turning into an operational force making use of violence as its distinctive feature in the Islamic world. Furthermore, relying on the approach of historical process mining and making a distinction between two concepts of Salafia and Salafism, it was attempted to explain the theological framework of Salafia in the early history of Islam from the view of Sunnis versus intellectual background differences. In the light of the above distinction, old Salafism was distinguished from new Salafism and by surveying the intellectual impacts of old Salafism on new Salafism, the practical reflections of this movement were studied within the past 3 decades. The results showed that the transformation of this process is essential by spreading the genuine instructions of Islam having a conspicuous effect in forcing out the violent ideology and practices of Salafis in today’s chaotic world. As we move from the early history of Islam towards the contemporary era, the behavior of those who claim Salafism has distanced from the instructions of the pious predecessors.

The purpose of the present study is to review the political strategies used by international seminary scientific institutions against Takfiri movements based on SWOT analysis (matrix). The method of study is descriptive analysis and the results showed that this strategy analysis about Takfiri movements is an extensive system that needs periodical analysis and enquiry. Due to numerous variables, continuously changing political situation, mushroom-like rise of Takfiri movements and so on, this model should be broken into a pyramid to achieve micro strategies in addition to macro strategies. The fixed part of this analysis which should be considered by the international seminary institutions is first, the maintenance of strengths (S) and the attempt for their increase, and then, the elimination of weaknesses (W). The unfixed part of the analysis which needs more consideration and up-to-date and specialized enquiry involves an analysis about the decrease or increase in opportunities (O) and threats (T) as well as the transformation of their internal essence. Moreover, the correlation between weaknesses and threats as well as strengths and opportunities in international seminary organizations should be taken into consideration. A more comprehensive analysis would be achieved when “Takfiri movements” is independently set as the subject of analysis and it is attached to this current strategic analysis. In this case, the correlation between four variables of S, W, O, and T would be obtained in a specialized way.