The Iranian Review for UN Studies
Volume:2 Issue: 2, Summer and Autumn 2019

Cultures and great religions are the building blocks of the human civilization in the current world with different disciplines which have an inherent right to preserve and develop their own principles within the common whole, i.e. diversity within universality. Although cultural diversity involves several dimensions, this article, mainly within the framework of the UN documents, seeks to elaborate on the essential importance of respect for cultural diversity and promoting the right to preserve and develop cultures and value systems within the imperatives of the universal values of human rights or the peremptory norms of international law. Furthermore, the author intends to make a structural linkage between the principle of respect for cultural diversity and consolidating peace at the international level. The article concludes that the international organizations such as the United Nations, the Non-Aligned Movement and the Organization of Islamic Cooperation should develop strategies and devise mechanisms to promote respect for cultural diversity as effective tools to make a better world.

The issue of Weapons of Mass Destruction (WMD) is not only an alarming concern, but appears to be a growing threat to the international peace and security. Ballistic missiles as prominent means of delivery for such weapons have compelled international community to seek arrangements for the control or supervision over WMD delivery systems. Construction of heretofore arrangements at the international level have not been conducive to binding compliance; they have proved less than effective in preventing non-compliance. The binding nature of controlling arrangements for WMD could be either legal or political. The question is then how a non-legally binding arrangement would contribute to non-proliferation of ballistic missiles. In pursuit of an answer for this question, this article compares the Missile Technology Control Regime; the Presidential Nuclear Initiatives; the Proliferation Security Initiative; and the Hague Code of Conduct so as to provide a detailed assessment of the effectiveness of political commitments among States. This article argues that States have increasingly demonstrated resistance to legally binding arrangements. In contrast, they have been more receptive to politically binding arrangements and more prone to what can be dubbed as soft law. While the effectiveness of political commitments in the community of States is a dubious debate, there, nonetheless, seems to be no alternative to a modicum of liability for achieving some kind of consented arrangement among States.

The European Neighborhood Policy (ENP) seeks, among other things, to promote human rights in the EU's closest eastern and southern neighbors. The European Union (EU) was formed in 1993. The ENP, on the other hand, was first outlined by the European Commission in 2003. Respecting human rights is considered to be one of the most basic criteria that Europe’s neighboring countries must meet, in order to join the ENP. This article examines the impact of the ENP on the human right situation in one of the EU’s neighbors in the south, Tunisia. It also assesses the extent to which Tunisia has been committed under relevant UN human rights conventions. This article argues that the EU has not been successful in distributing and promoting norms such as respect for human rights in Tunisia. It clarifies how the EU has failed to meet its main objectives with regard to the human rights situation in this country.

The Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action or JCPOA can be considered the main source of new political tensions between Iran and the United States during Donald Trump’s administration. After Donald Trump's unilateral withdrawal from the Iran nuclear deal and official reimposition of all sanctions lifted as part of the deal, the Islamic Republic continued to remain committed to the deal. However, following cancellation of a multitude of commercial contracts and the failure of the INSTEX  to meet Iran’s needs, the Islamic Republic of Iran took some gradual steps to reduce its nuclear commitments under the JCPOA. With the fifth step, Iran shall no longer consider itself bound to any restrictions imposed upon it under the JCPOA. In addition, Iran has often considered closing the Strait of Hormuz as a viable option among its security countermeasures. Despite Iran’s absolute right to respond in kind to violation of commitments by the US, the fact remains that such a course of actions by Iran would have significant international consequences and grave ramifications, such as re-imposition of all UN sanctions (consistent with Clause 8 of Security Council Resolution 2231), new additional measures/sanctions (according to Articles 41 & 42 of UN Charter), negative impact and adverse effects on the litigation Iran pursues against the United States (based on the Treaty of Amity, Economic Relations, and Consular Rights 1955) in the International Court of Justice (ICJ). Therefore, Iran’s best response strategy against violations of US commitments would be a legal one, such as taking action through the Joint Commission per clause 36, referring the dispute to the ICJ according to an agreement, and pursuing its Treaty of Amity case.

Le livre intitulé « De la guerre froide à la cyberguerre », couvrant une période relativement longue, se compose d'articles portant sur les changements rapides et impressionnants de différents aspects du droit international au cours de cette période. Cet ouvrage, publié en 2014 par l’Edition Springer, est le résultat d'une conférence internationale portant particulièrement sur le droit international humanitaire.Sept chapitres forment le contenu du livre, dans chacun certaines questions laborieuses du droit international ont été abordées ; questions sur lesquelles les perceptions des juristes internationaux. Les différents articles ont été catégorisés dans sept parties :La première partie englobe deux articles: Le développement progressif du droit internationa1 : De la guerre froide à la cyberguerre (évolution du droit international de la paix et des conflits armés au cours des 25 dernières années)- Perspectives sur le droit international humanitaire. La deuxième partie avec le titre : L’autonomie et l’indépendance en droit international: une vieille boisson dans de nouvelles tasses, couvre trois écrits :

The manuscript reviews Iraq’s Aggression against Iran And The United Nations Position through a generative reading as a valiant contribution to International Relations, International Law, history, and knowledge production. Such works are vital to have an encompassing view of the international, avoid erasure of histories (and human experiences), and ensure visibility on a global scale. The book delivers its promise of being a source for understanding the legal and international institutions dynamic during the Iraq-Iran war. It also offers the chance other researchers to build on this volume to grasp a more global history of aggression in international law manuscript reviews Iraq’s Aggression against Iran And The United Nations Position through a generative reading as a valiant contribution to International Relations, International Law, history, and knowledge production. Such works are vital to have an encompassing view of the international, avoid erasure of histories (and human experiences), and ensure visibility on a global scale. The book delivers its promise of being a source for understanding the legal and international institutions dynamic during the Iraq-Iran war. It also offers the chance other researchers to build on this volume to grasp a more global history of aggression in international law.