نشریه سیاست پژوهی ایرانی
سال هفتم شماره 4 (پیاپی 26، زمستان 1399)

The purpose of the present study is to explore the impact of the process of globalization on the transformation of the attitudes of Iranians to national identity and thereby presenting an appropriate identity model in policymaking in order to protect national identity. Accordingly, the main research question is that with regard to the identity effects of globalization in Iran, which approach can be adopted by the Islamic Republic of Iran to maintain national identity. This research relies on the hypothesis that with respect to the effects of globalization on the identity perspectives in Iran, the Iranian government can adopt an inclusive approach to national identity and simultaneously emphasize on 3 tenets of being Iranian, Islamic, and modern in order to reinforce and encourage the tendency of the majority of society to Iranian national identity and protect that. The method of study is descriptive analysis and the research results show that due to the penetration of globalization into Iran and the spread of cyberspace (as a means of globalization), the outlook of Iranian society on the principles of Iran’s national identity has been transformed. As a result of this situation, the bonding between people and their former principles as being Iranian and Muslim has weakened and instead, their tendency to the principles of modernity is reinforced. If a suitable approach is not adopted to this issue by the Islamic Republic of Iran, it can lead to the deterioration of national identity. For the sake of maintaining Iran’s national identity, the government of the Islamic Republic of Iran should simultaneously pay attention to all tenets of identity.

The purpose of the present study is to analyze the concept of revolution in the ideas of Iranian Marxists. The hypothesis of this research is that Iranian Marxist forces have interpreted revolution based on Marxist instructions. The method of study is descriptive analysis and the results indicate that the concept of revolution is perceived as the transformation of political order and power acquisition such that the foundation of the former establishment falls down to be replaced with a new system instead of the old one. From the perspective of Iranian Marxists, the notion of revolution is comprehended based on the ideas of Heraclitus, Marx, and Lenin. The perception of Marxist movement from the concept of revolution is so different from the interpretation of other political activists in Iran due to their intellectual discrepancies. The distinction between Marxist ideas and revolutionary Islamists in 1340s and 1350s can be interpreted in terms of their perception of the notion of revolution and their different tenets of thinking.

The purpose of the present study is to investigate the transformation of national security discourses in the Islamic Republic of Iran. Using descriptive analysis, this research study aims to critically explore the existing theories in this regard and come up with a new model to analyze the course of change in national security discourses in the Islamic Republic of Iran. In this regard, this perspective is emphasized that we have always witnessed the presence of two rival discourses in the realm of politics and among the elites such that the course of discourse change cannot be analyzed in a single developmental path. The two rival discourses have been classified by some into either traditional-modern or revolutionary-national. However, the analysis of them indicates that they can be regarded as either identity-oriented or development-oriented. In reality and practical form, development in the Islamic Republic of Iran has always been categorized within the arguments and measures of the two security discourses mentioned above so that it has led to opposite ideas and incongruous policy making to achieve long term security and developmental objectives in the Islamic Republic of Iran. Because of this, one of the main features of national security issues in the Islamic Republic of Iran is lack of common consensus among the elites on the concept of national security, security policies, threats, and vulnerabilities causing crisis at the time of two aforementioned discourses’ domination.

The purpose of the present study is to explain the relationship between the BRICS members and the Islamic Republic of Iran. The research relies on the hypothesis that the relation between BRICS and the Islamic Republic of Iran is defined within the framework of foreign relations between Iran and the BRICS nations. The method of study is descriptive analysis and the results show that although the BRICS is against the U.S unilateralism, it does not seem to have sufficient resources or be able to moderate the effects of U.S sanctions against Iran as much as it is expected. Among the BRICS states, Russia indirectly benefits from the U.S sanctions against Iran as Iran’s failure to produce more natural gas as well as its financial and technological failures to complete energy projects in near future would lead to a regional and global market in favor of Russia and to the detriment of Iran. On the other hand, the BRICS members have long-term plans to prevent the U.S unilateralism while they have not cut their political-economic relations with the U.S and have not challenged the structure of the international system. According to the approach of constructivism, the leaders ought to observe the norms of international structure in order to gain more benefit for their country as the constructivists hold that the countries’ foreign policy and their close relations in the international level take a serious form in terms of their common approaches. It is evident that the BRICS members take this fact into account and thereby they would not get into an ideological fight with the U.S in the international arena. Therefore, the relations with the BRICS countries would have no extreme and ideal effect on the foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran.

The objective of the present study is to review the theory of government in the political idea of Ibn Khaldun. To this aim and using a hermeneutic approach, the theory of Asabiyyah (social cohesion) as the foundation of Ibn Khaldun’s political doctrine, the emergence of government and its contributing factors, the causes of government’s fall, variety of governments and its best type were discussed in Ibn Khaldun’s theory of government. The method of study was descriptive analysis and the results showed that Ibn Khaldun has been among the first thinkers in the world studying the concept of government and theorizing the origin, definition, way of establishment, types, the ideal form, components, functions, and its fall. Since his theory has the three elements of a scientific theory, that is to say concordance with the objective instances, multi relationships between the concepts in the theory, and the coherence of perception in various circumstances, it can be recognized as one of the first theories of government and has the potential of academic and international publication.

The purpose of the present study is to analyze the effect of altruism and martyrdom discourse on the formation of national identity, within the framework of discourse analysis. The method of study is descriptive analysis and the results indicate that the political socialization of the new generation is the solution to identity crisis; and the discourse of altruism and martyrdom has provided the process of socialization with more potential to form national identity. On the other hand, as a result of otherness of this discourse, a resistance approach against the oppressors and dominators is formed. Therefore, those who feel oppressed show resistance by reflecting their identity out of martyrdom discourse and hence fight against or compete with the oppressors. Using this discourse and highlighting some structures and layers of identity coming out of that and by showing the perceived distinctions, Muslim fighters launch a sort of antagonism.