نشریه هنرهای صناعی ایران
سال سوم شماره 1 (پیاپی 4، بهار و تابستان 1399)

The evolution of skylights and the way light is transmitted to dome-houses has always been a chief concern in architects’ mind. In terms of development and technique, such an element has been neglected, however being of significance. This main part, which has a great artistic role in Islamic architecture ​​from the perspective of technique, form and position, has changed over time and improperly replaced with new patterns.
The present research is to answer the following question: How was lighting in the dome-house spaces provided through shabāk (jali or skylight) with regard to the promotion of dome-houses construction techniques in the Timurid and Safavid periods in terms of form, design and execution? This research is qualitative and the method of collecting information is based on field and library studies. For this purpose, mosques of the Timurid and Safavid periods in two cities were classified and then, by carrying out a field study, the mosques that had shabāk were examined and finally, three mosques in Timurid Yazd and two in Safavid Isfahan were selected. Here, the samples whose authenticity was not confirmed by valid historical documents nor were they approved by experienced masters were omitted.

Findings show that in comparing the architecture of domes from the Timurid to the Safavid period, the position of skylights has been transferred to the lower quarter of the dome (pākār section). In this section, due to the increase in the thickness of dome shells, it was possible to create more skylights. Furthermore, the size of the shabāk mosaic frames has increased and the former simple, rectangular forms in the Timurid era have been transformed into an ogival form, but the elegance of the designs in comparison to the Timurid mosaic shabāks has reduced. Here, as the shabāk mosaics have more consolidation, larger and double mosaics have been used. Adding hamil tiles to the margins of skylights has made them more visible from a distance and an instant recognition of the main surface and shabāk has been allowed. The combination of colors is an important matter in adjusting the amount of light in the Timurid period and due to technical advances in glaze making during the Safavid era, greenish-blue was added to the color combinations on the shabāks. In the mosaic shabāks of Yazd mosques, geometric patterns are predominant forms and they are independent of the dome decorations with fairly simple designs. In the mosaic shabāks of Isfahan mosques, arabesque and khatāi motifs are repeated in the half, and mirror-like in the whole. They are symmetrically placed in a frame.

Na’in carpet is an eclectic mixture of Kerman and Arak carpets’ style, which in a short time established an independent identity on the basis of indigenous components and became known as a distinct style from other types. However, the expansion of production beyond the city boundaries caused changes in it, so that in many cases, due to the apparent similarities, this carpet style has led to ambiguities. In fact, such carpets with all their differences from the original source are marketed under the same name of Na’in original products. The purpose of this research is to make a comparison between the original Na’in carpets and those woven in other areas with qualitative and visual changes. The main questions are as follows: What was the effect of Na’in carpet’s displacement on the main structures of this hand-woven textile? And what is the criterion for final evaluation of such carpets?
The issue is significant from the perspective that a variety of carpets in the form of luxurious and well-known styles and from earlier historical periods have been produced in Iran, but none of them have crossed their geographical borders widely, like what happened to the Na’in carpet. Other carpets have actually been produced and marketed in the same native areas, but Na’in carpet with large-scale production not only has been produced in Na’in city, but also in many other geographical areas that are famous for producing Iranian hand-woven carpets, such as South Khorassan, Mazandaran, Shiraz, Isfahan, etc. In fact, some regions have embarked upon producing Na’in carpets which have a special and exclusive style of Iranian carpets by their own. This issue is important and necessary to investigate for the reason that Na’in style of carpet weaving produced in areas other than this city bears in many cases only superficial similarities with genuine carpets. Such secondary textiles are far from Na’in carpets in terms of quality, but they have been marketed under the title of Nain carpet. This issue has caused serious damage to the original carpets.
The research methodology in this article is descriptive-analytical with a comparative approach. The scope of research incorporates the generality of Na’in carpet as a well-known style in the Iranian carpet field. The comparison in this scope is based on two groups of carpets produced in Na’in and those produced in the style of Na’in in other regions. The method of collecting data in here is based on observation as well as studying the few written sources. The results of the research show that the displacement of Na’in carpet from its native place has led to changes in the quality of such hand-woven textiles, the type of knots, dyeing, etc., so that the fibers have been reduced from grade 1 to grade 2 and 3. Knots have changed from fārsi-ye tak-bāft (single-woven Persian type) to jofti-bāfi (knots in pairs) and U knot, and the dyeing of 90% of fibers in other areas has converted to chemical. Finally, the lack of order and organization in production and lack of proper knowledge and expertise in the market have led to the replacement of substandard carpets with the genuine Na’in products. However, in some new places, such as Mazandaran, the production of Na’in carpet has increased in quality, which has exerted marked effects on the production and export of the original Na’in carpets.

Pottery and textile weaving were two art media during the Seljuk and Ilkhanid periods, which one or sometimes both were considered important according to circumstances. Numerous studies have been carried out on pottery and weaving in the Seljuk period, and in some cases the evidence left over from that time has been reviewed in a comparative method to determine to some extent how these works were influenced by other fields. In some cases, evidence suggests that artists modeled on designs used in other industries, and they embellished their work on this basis. The present study has been done by using a comparative-historical methodology and the information gathered from library sources and by referring to related data, as well as a visual study of the Seljuk pottery and a sample of brocade textile from the Ilkhanid period preserved in the David Collection, Denmark. This textile is similar in terms of form, pattern, color and geometric divisions to the mina’i ware and luster-glazed bowls produced in Kashan. This study examines such interactions by thoroughly examining the patterns and similarities of the mentioned textile sample and pottery of the Seljuk period. It is to answer the following question: Which of the arts of pottery and weaving has had more influence on the other?
There are some examples regarding the effect of textile patterns on pottery, especially in the early Islamic period, but in later centuries, pottery reached such a great place and independence that affected textiles; and its patterns and structure inspired the art of weaving. The results of this study show that with regard to the color of the Ilkhanid textile, the weaver had used gold and silver threads, i.e. brocade, to perform and manifest the beauty of luster-glazed pottery on the fabric. In observing the geometric divisions and in the general composition of the designs, the work has also been executed like pottery. It seems that the form and structure of this textile, which is circular, is taken from that of pottery medium. Using circular composition and concentric circles, as well as emphasizing on the middle section, which according to the type of the characterization and other elements of the work represents the narrative state of a particular subject, this work sounds fairly similar to the mina’i and luster-glazed ceramic plates once created by the Seljuk artisans.   
Inscriptions of invocation and those of good wishes were used in that time on ceramic ware, and in this piece of textile such inscriptions are used on the last outward section of the work. Furthermore, the presence of mythical animals such as sphinxes among other creatures and the lush nature with fish ponds are elements often depicted in the Seljuk pottery. The assertion of such influence from pottery ware is not accidental and it seems that Seljuk pottery had been a good source of inspiration for this textile.
On the whole, the general composition and use of usual patterns in luster-glazed and mina’i pottery has caused a successful adaptation in the design of the mentioned textile. Other examples of this field are less considered by researchers and should be further studied.

Iranian handicrafts have a brilliant, long history and Iran is considered one of the main centers of this field in the world. Kilim (a flat tapestry-woven carpet) is one of the branches of handicrafts and kilim weaving in Gilan, in comparison to other branches of the handicrafts in this region, is regarded as one of the most important fields with stunning patterns, colors and textures. The variety of Gilan kilim designs and motifs is so great that by putting them together, some new, original and beautiful motifs would be achieved. Throughout history clothing has always represented the culture, personality and dignity of individuals and due to its great importance in people’s lives, it must have been rooted in people’s traditions and believes.
The purpose of this study is to identify outstanding aesthetic potentials in Gilan kilim, and to provide a situation where these old and traditional designs and motifs can be used in designing modern clothes in the form of office suits. The present study seeks to answer the following questions: Could the patterns of Gilan kilim be used in clothing, especially for men’s and women’s office uniforms? Could the designs of such clothes only be applied in this area? The statistical population in the present research is the motifs of Gilan kilims and the sample size is 28 kilims. Based on library and field studies, and descriptive-analytical methodology and qualitative study method, these designs and motifs, as an unwritten encyclopedia of local historical symbols, can also be effective in the growth and development of other arts.
In terms of design, Gilan kilim is classified into two categories: designs based on structure and those based on motifs. The structure-based designs can be divided into five groups, including: vāgire’i (adjacent/interlocking patterns), moharramāt (striped pattern), qābi (frame-like), toranjdār (medallion) and pictorial; and the motif-based designs are the same in number and can be categorized as: zoomorphic, vegetal, objects, humans, and abstract. Among these five designs, abstract designs are the most widely used and diverse ones seen on Gilan kilim. The application of such designs in these textiles is directly related to the beliefs of the weaver, weather conditions, daily life, food, clothing and the like, with symbolic meanings. The present study aims at studying the motifs of Gilan kilim, and it shows the possibility of using the mentioned designs in both types of women’s and men’s clothing in the form of office uniforms. The suits of each set could provide some benefits such as advertising purposes, giving prestige and increasing the credibility of that institution. All this should be prepared with regard to the goals of the organization, environmental climate, working environment and maintaining working personality.
In this study, clothes are designed on the basis of the five motifs of animals, plants, objects, humans and abstract shapes and they should consider masculine and feminine office suits for a particular organization; which is related to the goals of that place. These designs have been selected by taking into account all the cultural and historical rituals and ceremonies of the people of Gilan. They have been presented to explore the possibility of encouraging diversity and continuous changes in them after negligence, for not going out of fashion. The results indicate that the motifs of such kilims have been in harmony with the natural environment of the region, which is formed and developed over thousands of years. Using such traditional motifs in clothing design is an attempt to change the modern clothing fashion with a formal and official nature.

Lock is a device that assures safety of human’s life. Iranian locksmiths, in addition to making locks and meeting the essential needs, valued the decorative aspects of such tools. Including pendants and movable types, these locks are portable and they are different from standard, ordinary ones. Artists in this field have incorporated a wide range of artistic, spiritual, cultural and aesthetic values of their living space into the locks’ forms and decorations. Therefore, locks in each region and city have their own special characteristics.
Metal locks in Chaleshtor and Isfahan are considered a branch of Iranian handmade artifacts and their features, in terms of mechanism, form and motifs, are noteworthy and important. The geographical location of Isfahan and Chaleshtor, and their close proximity to each other have made this theory possible that the locksmiths of these two regions have had interactions. Accordingly, the aim of the present research is to study the characteristics of contemporary Chaleshtor and Safavid Isfahan locks, and to evaluate their similarities, differences and impacts on each other. The necessity of conduction this research is to consider the visual elements and originality of these locks, and to help revive the arts which are on the verge of being forgotten. In this regard, 13 locks have been selected; 7 from Chaleshtor and 6 from Isfahan. These constitute the statistical population of the research.
Studying and examining these cases clarifies the differences of these two groups of locks in the two mentioned regions. Therefore, first a definition is provided on locks and their types, the method of production, and then, characteristics of Chaleshtor and Isfahan locks in the two periods have been studied. The results of this study are as follows: these two groups of handmade locks share common features in terms of using decorative inscriptions as well as arabesque and khatāi motifs. Such artifacts are the same in appearance and external form. Both have horizontal shape and it should be noted that steel is preferred in making them.  However, despite the similar form of the locks in these two areas, their internal mechanism and techniques of decoration are different. Chaleshtor locks have a spiral spring device and Isfahan locks have barbed springs. Thus, the way of opening and closing and the mechanism of both locks are different from each other. Furthermore, the form of Chaleshtor locks is tubular but that of Isfahan locks is a rectangular cube. The older history of Isfahan in the field of making locks indicates that Isfahan artifacts have had influence on Chaleshtor locksmiths.
This research is done with a comparative approach and is based on a descriptive-analytical method. The data of this article is collected from library sources and thorough field studies.

Carpet has been the visualization of the culture and art of Iran during different periods of history. It is the sign of an age-old, strong culture with the capacity of absorbing alien cultures and the power to give them an Iranian look. On the other hand, carpet is a nostalgic product. Studies show that nostalgia is a mechanism for dealing with the future anxiety. This means that the use of carpet is very useful in terms of physical and mental health. Nostalgia and its role have a significant place in other cultures as well. These cultures have tried to somehow establish a link between old values and the present ones, and therefore managed to make this sense of connection between the past, present and future. This is where you come across an artist named Kintsugi. In Kintsugi philosophy, the importance of the past and experience is very evident.
Unfortunately, the unusual use of this unique product in Iranian homes offers a variety of other products from the family of furniture with non-Iranian designs. The use of handmade carpets is necessary to be restored in any way, not because of its economic value, but due to its unique visual features and its obvious positive effects on Iranian souls. In this regard, knowing the reasons for this replacement and studying the consumer’s interest in this product can be a great help to find a solution to include Iranian carpets in homes today.
In this study, interest in using carpets among the Iranian youth, carpet substitute products, as well as the livelihood factors felt from carpet was studied. The survey instrument of this applied-qualitative research was questionnaire and a sample size of 200 people from 25 to 40 years old was selected randomly-snowball. The Cronbach’s alpha coefficient of the questionnaire was calculated to be 0.749, which means that it is a reliable tool for scrolling. The findings showed that although many target groups did not use handmade carpets, 80.19% of them considered the carpet as a product which has a special value. This particular value is not limited just to its economic value. They believed that the value of aesthetics, and then the spiritual value and identity of this product are of particular value. It was also found that the phrase "soft and flexible" could include emotional perception of the Iranian carpet. Respondents considered open-curved lines and spiral curves as essential elements in Iranian carpet in the field of ​​the creating lines. Cranberry (15.18%), chocolate (10.16%), main red (8.45%) and dark blue (7.76%) were the exemplified colors of Iranian handmade carpets, respectively. As a substitute for carpets, the majority chose rugs and moquettes (44.98%), followed by parquet and wooden products, (28.71%) as the top priority. It was also found that the representation of handmade carpets in furniture and interior design products could be as acceptable as possible in terms of acceptability and sales. Based on the findings of this research, several examples of applied products that can represent Iranian handmade carpets are designed and presented.

The Safavid kings had a fairly influential role in Iran’s cultural, economic and social prosperity after a long era of turmoil and recession. The art of weaving silk fabrics is one of the examples that grew up in light of the attention and support of the Safavid officials. During the Achaemenid era, Iranians were aware of the mystery of silkworm and silk threads that came from China to Iran. Such a material was converted to woolen fabrics, colorful flax and silk textiles in weaving centers such as Balkh, Hamadan and Shushtar. In any case, it is certain that silk came from China to Iran. It should also be noted that the life of such products in Iran was much shorter than that of other fibers, but the taste and skills of the Iranian and the use of the designs by creative painters as well as the growing support of the royal court brought about the creation of great masterpieces. Such woven fabrics were not only attractive as gifts, but also as ceremonial and basic commodities for the evaluation of other products. The Safavid kings actually supported this craftsmanship, and they regarded this material as the majesty of their kingdom and glory.
Another important feature in the Safavid era was the creation of artistic centers under the authority of the court and the close connection between miniature painting and textiles. Recognizing how silk weaving developed in the Safavid era helps us understand this industry better. Therefore, the present study investigates the weaving of such fabrics under the full support of the officials of the Safavid dynasty through a descriptive-analytical methodology.  
The questions to be answered in this research are as follows: How did the support of the aristocracy and the princes of Safavids lead to the development of silk industry in this period? How did the events during the Safavid era affect the development of the fabrics? The statistical population of this study consists of 13 samples of Safavid silk fabrics collected from select collections and museums abroad.
The results indicate that the tendency of the Safavid kings to revive the glory of ancient Iran and the ambitions of officials and the elite, as well as the needs of the domestic and foreign markets added to the prosperity of silk weaving at that time. In the meantime, Shāh Abbās’s role was most influential in raising the quality and quantity of silk, and by his full support and, of course, the export of such woven fabrics, besides patronizing this traditional art, he managed to add to his country’s credit and wealth. Here some factors are considered so important in the growth and development of this industry, namely the domestic, regional and international realtions.

When we look at and compare examples of hitherto known traditional arts, we come across many linguistic, expressive, and even formal differences. Giving the mere title of “traditional” to the works produced in the Islamic era and even earlier is due to the failure to consider and explain a high art period in the Persian art; a period to incorporate a number of such works and to exclude them from the historical period of traditional arts. Such an artistic period can be called “ethnic art” with regard to its particular features. Ethnic art is a major field of understanding the pure aesthetic considerations of Iranians.
Ethnic art is a discourse that has been neglected in Iranian art criticism. This art remains unknown in all respects, especially in terms of language and expression, under the impact of traditional art. Given that one cannot fully recognize Iranian ethnic art here, we intend to attract the audiences’ attention to the understanding of such art as a whole by introducing one example and one medium. We chose gabbeh (long-wefted pileless carpet) for this purpose. Gabbeh is one of the most beautiful Iranian handicrafts in general and Bakhtiāri nomadic society in particular whose recognition of its aesthetic signs and symbols paves the way for the recognition of “Iranian ethnic art discourse”.
Gabbeh is one of the most beautiful handicrafts in Bakhtiāri tribal society with many aesthetic dimensions and capabilities, including simplicity and ease of weaving. It also has many aesthetic and visual values in line with the tastes of modern urban man who still has room for artifacts in the interior of his architecture.
Designs, colors, and other elements in artworks, especially in those of the Bakhtiāri people, in proportion to the materials available for the artist, pursue nothing but the joy of life and the color of happiness in the environment and therefore have no purpose but beauty. The beauty in this point of view is influenced by the nature, and the behavior of nature, not necessarily the physical appearance of it, blows the mind of artist.
The role and design of ethnic handicrafts, especially gabbeh, is a clear example of pure reflections of artists who prefer and emphasize the linguistic and expressive essence of forms, shapes and colors over other historical-psychological analysis of the mind in the context of the artwork.
From a methodological point of view, the author in the present essay has explored the components of aesthetics in an analogical way and has compared them to the extant samples for explaining the essential differences between traditional and ethnic art. Here the linguistic and expressive aspects have been considered, and the focus has been on understanding the generality of ethnic art. The author has actually offered a thematic example and eventually generalized the research components to the whole ethnic art.
The research method is comparative and analytical-descriptive and its sources are collected mainly by field observations and interviews.
The results of this particular experience are devoid of personal considerations, a fact which has always prevailed in some branches of arts, especially traditional art. Minimalism, abstraction based on pure aesthetic considerations, superiority of pure visual analysis in evaluating the composition, a primitive approach to the design and intelligent abstraction of ready elements of everyday life are the components that constitute the foundation of Persian ethnic art. Such features have essentially been manifested in Bakhtiāri gabbehs.

Myths are the human being’s responses to the most fundamental questions he has faced with. As time passes, such narratives would be elaborated, embellished and sometimes even transformed to something different. Myths are narrated and communicated through symbolic devices and parables and are accepted as a part of sacred beliefs in various societies. These mystic narratives throughout history were recorded as both texts and images and it is interesting that both of textual and visual media clearly represent the mystical aspects of myths. The myth of Siyāvosh is considered as one of the most time-honored stories in the Iranian culture, not only because of its heroic character, but also because of the long narrative with its several symbolic climaxes.
Siyāvosh is one the most important characters in Iranian national epics and his story is an integral part of a collection of narratives that came through a movement which compiled the Iranian heritage of epic literature. This movement which happened in the 3rd and 4th AH / 9th and 10th CE centuries gathered and refashioned the scattered stories into compendiums of verses and proses. Many researchers used historical, mythological and linguistic methods of analysis to reveal the seminal myth of Siyāvosh. While most of these researchers focused on the written sources mostly collected after the 4th and 5th centuries AH / 10th and 11th centuries, here we try to use the archaeological and pictorial evidence to study the mythological structure of Siyāvosh narrative. The temporal range of this evidence incorporates the Sasanian period during the 3rd AH / 9th CE century. The main reason for choosing this particular period is to look at the evidence before recording the oral culture of Iranian epic. Throughout these two centuries, birth, life and death of Siyāvosh have been depicted in several works in verse and prose the most famous and coherent of which is Ferdowsi’s Shāhnāmeh.
The intriguing point about such works is their distance from the seminal myth: the inevitable result of attuning the main story with the generic requisites of epic literature has led to the loss of the primordial features of Siyāvosh myth. Yet, the detailed study of this epic’s episodes reveals some traces of the older story. In addition, a few texts belonging to the Sassanian and early Islamic periods could be helpful in this respect. There are other sources to study the peculiarities of Siyāvosh myth and those are the images and icons which were created before the 4th and 5th AH / 10th and 11th CE centuries. These images and icons can be categorized as archaeological evidence and they can contribute immensely to understand Iranian epic narratives and characters.
Generally, one could relate the Siyāvosh narrative to two fundamental mythical structures: one is that of the “myth of the martyr god” and the other is the “totemic undertone of Siyāvosh as being a horse”. All of this evidence was created in the eastern part of Greater Iran. The main purposes in here are both to analyze the validity of attribution of such evidence to the Siyāvosh narrative and also to reveal the embryonic myth of Siyāvosh from these data. This evidence is comprised of four groups of archaeological findings, each of them representing the Siyāvosh story in a particular way.
This research is based on the archaeological and written evidence and it implements a combination of historiological, mythological, linguistic and iconographical approaches to reach a comprehensive conclusion. In the cases where the main focus is on image or painting, the iconographical approaches are the main analytical means and accordingly, all the details and elements of each image will be completely described. The subject material of this study is archaeological data which could be divided into paintings and sculptures. The evidence which is considered here as the material and pictorial representation of Siyāvosh are a mural painting, a painted pottery, a number of coins and some anthropomorphic ossuaries, which will be individually analyzed.

This article seeks to analyze and explain one of the ancient and cosmological ideas of the people living on the plateau of Iran, called “cow-fish”. The authors of this essay have tried to study and explain the mythological and religious roots as well as the public beliefs concerning such a myth by using historical documents and the method of reflection, besides a comparative study of ancient narratives and stories with some examples obtained from the history of Iranian art.
The necessity and importance of conducting this research is to become familiar with the wide range of subjects used in the art of ancient people, the origin of ancient motifs, the significance of them in the past and their absence in the present time. A visual study of such works helps us identify the mindset and culture of earlier artists. The main focus of the research is on the interpretation and decoding of the body of an angel or goddess standing on a cow in a carpet with cow-fish motif. Therefore, by carefully studying this myth and examining it in history, an extensive essay has been presented to record the art and thoughts of designers and weavers in this field.
The research methodology in the present article is descriptive-analytical with a comparative approach using the reflection method, and the method of collecting information is based on library sources. The results confirm a continuation of the reflection of cultural and social issues on the works of art and the thematic relations of cow-fish myth in ancient literature, folklore and Iranian art up to the end of the Qājār period.
The woman standing in the carpet frame is identified as Sepandarmaz, angel who is the guardian of the earth on behalf of Ahura Mazda and is the protector of animals, closely related to Mām-e Mahin. Dressed in a cloak full of mixed animal motifs, this angel is reminiscent of the mother and the original female creature, which due to the creative role of “woman and mother”, stands in a higher hierarchy than the creation of animals and plants laid by a cow. Furthermore, the image of a cow with hybrid animals is the body of the “first created cow” (Gav Aevo Data). Gathering and combining the animals in the dress of angel and the body of cow is the reconstruction of the original and eternal body of Māme Mahin and the first created cow in the age of the creation of Minavi Ahura Mazda.
According to the narrations in the ancient Avesta and Pahlavi sources, the unification of the corpses inside the body of the sacred cow in the cow-fish carpet is a reconstruction and reference to the body of the first great animal that was sacrificed to create plants and animals from its body parts. By gathering and achieving unity in the body of a cow or the body of another creature, such beings reach the homeland and womb and the safe place from which they were born, so that at the beginning of spring the story of creation is repeated. Iranians considered this myth as the origin of the creation of the world and passed it on to succeeding generations in the form of oral, written and illustrated tales. They have paid particular attention to this tale during the New Year and the ancient Nowruz ceremony.

Throughout history, artworks in the field of metalwork and glasswork reflect different themes. They are considered as important means of manifesting Islamic art and traditional crafts in different countries which have been producing a wide variety of art products. Meanwhile, the influence of some kinds of artworks from different lands and the counterinfluence of concepts and artistic themes among them can be pinpointed in the works that have various common features as a result of common cultural and historical movements. 
Describing the characteristics of Iranian metalwork in the Ilkhanid and Timurid eras and enameled glass in the Mamluk period, this paper seeks to find decorative motifs and common elements and distinguishing features in such works. The paper studies these motifs in a specific geographical and historical span via an analytical methodology. To do this, some metal objects in Iran and enameled glasses from the Mamluk period in Egypt and Syria have been selected. Having conducted a comparative study of the motifs, their details are examined afterwards. The research method in here is descriptive-analytical and is implemented by visual examination of three kinds of recurring decorative patterns in enameled glasses and objects of metalwork.
The present research is investigating common features and differences between Ilkhanid and Timurid metal objects on the one hand, and the glasses of Mamluk period on the other, as well as the degree of influence each of them has had on each other. Furthermore, the human, vegetal, and calligraphic motifs decorating the objects and the type of relationship between the object and decorative patterns have also been studied. The comparative findings demonstrate that Iranian artistic motifs and themes can obviously be seen in Egyptian and Syrian decorations. Common religious and ritual features in addition to cultural and political factors have had great impacts on the manifestation of such common features.
In 7th AH / 13th AD century a large number of metalworking centers in Iran were moved to Syria, Mosul, Anatolia and Egypt. Patterns formed in the memory of artists were transferred to industries such as glassmaking, and in accordance with governmental influences, developments and thematic appropriations are also seen in the motifs. Commissioned works were mostly produced for courtiers and were accompanied by words praising governmental officials. Most decorative motifs include khatai, human, zoomorphic, geometric and inscriptive ones. Calligraphic inscriptions and verses from the Holy Quran are the elements seen on enameled and gilded glasses of the Mamluks, and so are the Quranic verses and the praising of the ruler in the Ilkhanid and Timurid metalwork inscribed in Naskh and Thuluth scripts. The floral motifs include various and symmetrical arabesques, and the human themes often include feasting, battle, and hunting scenes, which we can see in detail many similarities among the studied works. Finally, it can be said that the transfer of culture and art has depended on the influence governments gained from past times as well as cultural, social and political movements evolved in specific ways in different lands.

Many texts in various fields were written in the Ilkhanid period which by examining them, it would be possible to obtain a clear understanding of the social and political situation of the period in question. Three historical texts will be discussed in this research which narrate political history of the Mongols: Tārikh-e Jahāngoshāy-e Jovaini as a first document written in early Ilkhanid period; Jāmiʿ al-Tavārikh (Tārikh-e Mobārak-e Qāzāni) as a text referring to the age of Ilkhans’ conversion to Islam; and Tārikh-e Uljāytu (History of Uljaytu) for events of late Ilkhanid period. In this research, an attempt has been made to understand the relationship between the presence of men and women in different spaces to recognize the gender-oriented spaces regarding the mentioned historical texts remained from this period. Furthermore, a study on the relations of women’s presence in public events has been carried out.  The social role of women has also been considered in this research.
Among the various spaces represented in the mentioned texts, two main categories were recognized. First, spaces related to the Mongol traditions like ordu (royal camp), yurt and quriltai; and next, individual Iranian-Islamic traditional spaces like urban spaces, palaces, harems and bazaars. In general, private spaces for ordinary people were not mentioned in the texts, except in the narrations related to Ilchi-khaneh (embassy). After the Ilkhans’ conversion to Islam, some structures like Abwāb al-Birr (literally meaning: “doors to beneficence and mercy”) appeared. During the reign of Qāzān Khān Kharābāt-khāneh (pot-house) and Ilchi-khāneh also appeared and organized in urban spaces. According to the texts, the ratio of women to men in the represented areas is higher than their presence in Islamic urban spaces.
The conflict between the Mongol tradition and Islamic law can be seen in the placement of women in spaces represented in the texts of the late Ilkhanids. For instance, in bazaars the Mongol women were present in free style, while other women appeared with hijab (wearing a veil). This conflict was also evident in palaces, as mentioned in Ibn-e Bazzāz’s narration. Spatial gender segregation is not observed in the royal camp or ordu.
In general, it seems that the role of Mongol women after converting to Islam did not change significantly in the upper social classes, and women still had their own courts and camps. Private spaces like harem were generally used in places when narrators have referred to the history of the Iranian and Muslim rulers. This is fairly evident in the history of Jahāngoshāy.
Unfortunately, it seems that historians have not paid much attention to the presence of men and women of ordinary classes in public spaces. But according to Islamic traditions, lack of the presence of women in public spaces seems obvious. Such a matter can be seen in the text by Ibn al-Ikhwa. Therefore, when comparing Islamic traditions with the regulations of Genghis, we will recognize the free presence of women alongside men in public spaces.