فصلنامه رهیافت انقلاب اسلامی
پیاپی 52 (پاییز 1399)

The main purpose of this article is to examine the impact of Alawite concepts on Ayatollah Khamenei's thought regarding the model of political power. By asking this main question, the research seeks to explain the influence of the components of the Alawite power model in Ayatollah Khamenei's thought so that he can reconstruct the geometry of his desired political relations. The approach in question was comparative and the basis of comparability was the closeness of the principles and foundations and the principle of textual vision. The article concludes that in these two perspectives, a kind of "model of trustworthiness" is proposed; A model that believes in the trustworthiness of the ruling party in seizing political power; Power that is necessarily achieved with the participation and fieldwork of all people and groups. The data collection method was library and the article approach was descriptive-comparative. The theoretical framework of the research is the use of four indicators: "interests and priorities", "distribution of power", "plurality of power actors", and "invisible power", which is derived from Steven Lux's critical analysis of power models.

Studying the leadership style of Imam Khomeini (ra) from the perspective of leadership theory, makes it possible to know the personality of this powerful political leader who led to the realization of the Islamic Revolution of Iran. Based on the most important hypothesis of the present study, it is possible to define the personality traits of Imam Khomeini based on the theory of a great man who has clearly and in full detail defined the characteristics of a great leader; Analyzed. Therefore, this study intends to use psychological theory to analyze the psychological traits and personality traits of Imam Khomeini. The present study is a fundamental exploratory study from a qualitative paradigm perspective. The research method is descriptive-analytical and the data were collected in the form of a library from various sources and by the method of taking fish. The results of the present study show that the moral and personality components of Imam Khomeini (ra) such as courage, optimism, intellectualism, intellect, creativity, attracting public trust, purposeful order and timing, self-sacrifice, justice, honesty, self-control and comprehensiveness of personality , Has introduced him to the world as a great role model of history who shows himself in dealing with the issue of Palestine.

Women's political attitudes and participation (as dimensions of political socialization) play an important role in the development and modernization of any country. Meanwhile, using the capacity and potential of non-governmental organizations (NGOs) can be one of the ways to improve women's participation and political socialization. Based on this, the present study has been compiled with the aim of investigating the role of non-governmental organizations in the political socialization of female-headed households (with emphasis on East Azerbaijan Province). The research is descriptive-correlational and in terms of implementation method, it is a survey. The statistical population of the study was all women heads of households who were members of active groups in the field of women in East Azerbaijan province. Using Cochran's formula, 384 people were selected as a sample. The data collection tool was a researcher-made questionnaire and data analysis was performed using SPSS statistical software. The results showed that NGOs have played a positive and significant role in the political socialization of women heads of households in East Azerbaijan province. In summary, it can be said that active groups in the field of support for women heads of households can play an effective role in increasing the capabilities of women and as a result of women's political socialization and thus increase their political participation.

Indigenousness in Iran, like in other Third World societies, emerged as an alternative as a result of the displacement of the Western modernist discourse. The Western modernist discourse, which claimed to be universal, began to falter after World War II, becoming known as postcolonial theories. The main question of the research is what is the place of the concept of the West in the discourse of nationalism of Jalal Al-Ahmad. The research hypothesis is that the type of representation of the concept of the West in Jalal al-Ahmad's thought places him as a pioneer of postcolonial thought and the interpretation of his thought should be understood under the concept of "inferiority" in its Gramscian-Spivakian sense. It has been designed only in local and allegorical dimensions. The results of the research show that the critique of superior / inferior relations in Al-Ahmad's thought was designed in protest of Westernization and with the aim of returning to self and respecting the native culture, but remained at the level of essay writing and did not reach a coherent conceptual apparatus. In the process of articulating the indigenous discourse, Al-Ahmad was incapable of presenting a conceptual and universal formulation of his theory by transitioning from a local and indigenous perspective. The method of data collection is documentary and library.

The subject of this article is the study of the impact of the Corona epidemic on national sovereignty in Iran. The research question is what effect does the corona epidemic have on Iran's national sovereignty? The main hypothesis of the research is that the corona in the legal dimension leads to the strengthening of national sovereignty and nationalism and the change of reference groups in Iran. The research method in this article is descriptive-analytical and the method of data collection is library. The results of the research show that the corona epidemic has strengthened the sovereignty of the nation-state. A pandemic situation can strengthen national sovereignty and nationalism. Thus, the policies of governments such as Iran, such as immigration control, curbing population movement, protectionist economic policies, etc. show self-reliance and frustration with international institutions and government cooperation. Relying on domestic achievements, adopting national policies and changing the position of physicians as new reference groups can be interpreted as an example of the intensification of nationalism in the country.

The purpose of this study is to examine and compare the rulings of government with religious democracy. Accordingly, the research question is: Are government decrees an obstacle to the realization of democracy or are they manifestations of religious democracy? The research hypothesis is as follows: The highest political authority in the country has special powers, according to the principles and goals of the rule of law, which eliminates tyranny and authoritarianism and the realization of social justice, is no different from religious democracy. One of the most important results of the present study is: the Constitution of the Islamic Republic of Iran, by specifying the powers of officials and equating them with other people by providing tools to monitor their performance, has accepted this principle, on the other hand, according to Islamic law, the ruler Islami has the right to make the necessary decisions in accordance with the public interest to meet the needs of the people. A government decree is therefore a way of defending the public interest based on the public interest, which may take on different dimensions depending on the developments of the time. The method used in this research is descriptive-analytical.

The present article examines the components of justice and freedom in the five development programs of Iran (1394-1398). The main question of the research is that categories such as political freedom, economic freedom, equality of opportunity and public participation, and the support system in the goals of the five programs of economic, social and cultural development c. What is the position of Iran? The research hypothesis is based on the idea that values ​​and indicators such as justice, increasing the quality of life, and individual and social freedoms, according to the discourse of the Islamic Revolution and upstream documents, are the theoretical and value supports of five-year development plans and can be traced in their goals. . Findings show that the indicators related to the component of freedom and the indicators related to the component of justice are considered in all five-year development programs but do not have the same distribution within the programs and each program often focuses on one of these components due to environmental needs. have given. The collection of research data is library and documentary and the article has an analytical and descriptive approach. Research has used Amartya Sen's theoretical framework to examine the need for the companionship of freedom and justice.

The subject of this article is to study the causes and roots of confiscation of Iranian property and assets and its place in the Iranian legal system and international law. The main question of the research is what are the most important reasons and roots of confiscation of Iranian property and assets and how can this action be explained in the Iranian and international legal system? The main hypothesis of the article is that the United States has pursued a policy of confiscating Iranian property with the aim of curbing or changing Iran's behavior, which is a violation of state sovereignty in terms of domestic and international law and a violation of the principle of sovereignty in international law. The victory of the Islamic Revolution brought with it various values, including support for oppressed nations, support for Islamic movements, and anti-arrogance, which are reflected in the Constitution of the Islamic Republic of Iran. This led to a confrontation between Iran's foreign policy and US foreign policy. Accordingly, the United States pursued a variety of policies, from the Eight-Year War, all kinds of sanctions, from the Damato embargo to extensive banking and trade sanctions. The results of the study show that the US action in confiscating Iran's property and assets, considering factors such as decency and lack of effective control, and the use of the law of terrorism have no legitimacy under international law.

The national security of the Islamic Republic of Iran has external dimensions in terms of its impact on international organizations and is also influenced by the actions of international organizations. The present study seeks to investigate the relationship between the actions of international organizations and national security in the Islamic Republic of Iran. The question that arises is: How do the actions of international organizations affect the national security of the Islamic Republic of Iran? The answer that can be provided is that different governments after the Islamic Revolution have each provided a specific interpretation of the position of international organizations, which in turn has a bearing on national security. Iran is also effective. The two approaches of opposition and interaction with the actions of international organizations are among the most important approaches after the Islamic Revolution. Meanwhile, for reasons such as a new definition of rights and responsibilities, policy-making and governance, as well as a cross-border approach to humanitarian and global issues, the Islamic Republic of Iran pursues the actions of international organizations with a critical and cautious approach. Indicates a lack of definition of national security and a lack of consensus regarding the actions of international organizations. However, a critical approach to these organizations indicates a different and new approach. The method of this research is descriptive-analytical and using documentary and library resources.

The main question of the article is how the position of parliamentary oversight in the Constitution of the Islamic Republic of Iran and the Republic of Azerbaijan can be explained and what is the purpose of this oversight? The main hypothesis of the article is that the constitutions of both countries provide for various mechanisms in order to exercise parliamentary oversight, the purpose of which is, in principle, to limit and control the powers of the judiciary and the executive. The parliament, as a democratic institution, has several functions. According to the Constitution of the Islamic Republic of Iran, the parliament has important legislative and oversight functions that have affected the executive and judiciary. In the Republic of Azerbaijan, due to electoral challenges and strong segregation, the parliament has not been able to create a popular and global image to the desired standards. The results of the research show that the structure of the parliament in Azerbaijan has little intellectual and spiritual support in the society and compared to the supervision in the legislature of the Islamic Republic of Iran, due to the weak support of the people, MPs are less inclined to answer to the people. As a result, the power of the representatives is more in line with their interests, and the oversight of the pillars of the government has weak popular support. The present research has been done by descriptive-analytical method and using libraries and documents and using the constitution as the main sources.

This study explains the sociology of sectarianism and its impact on the pattern of elections for the eighth to tenth parliaments of the Islamic Consultative Assembly. The statistical population is citizens living in the city of Noorabad. 18 years and older, sex and area of ​​residence (all areas of Noorabad Mamasani city) have been collected in proportion to the size of the population, which is as representative of the community as possible and in accordance with the research objectives. The reliability of the questionnaire was determined by the quorum of Cronbach's alpha coefficient and the validity of the questionnaire (using confirmatory factor analysis), the validity of the structure. Findings show that men perform more electoral actions than women and single citizens more than married people, then using structural equation modeling and taking into account the measurement errors of other research variables, respectively (competition On scarce resources 0.82%, sectarianism 0.45%, reformist political thinking 0.37%, group pressure 0.31%, mass voting 0.27%, strong tribal prejudices 0.23%, families of individuals 0.17 Percentage, sense of solidarity and tribal affiliation (0.14%, ethnic representation (0.14%) had an effect on the pattern of parliamentary elections. But sectarianism was the same between socioeconomic bases and different education and there was no difference.

The interaction and confrontation of political elites and intellectuals has an effective role in the development of the political culture of the society. Interaction and alignment between political elites and intellectuals and the critical growth of intellectual discourse and the use of intellectual ideas by political elites is one of the hallmarks of democracies. However, in Iran after the Islamic Revolution, mainly the relations between political elites and intellectuals have had many challenges and this has also affected the development of political culture. This article seeks to pathologically examine the relationship between political elites and intellectuals in order to improve and develop culture by asking the question of how the relations of the ruling political elites after the Islamic Revolution affected the development of political culture. Find politics within the discourse of the Islamic Revolution. According to this article, the lack of intellectuals' understanding of the indigenous and traditional values ​​of Iranian society and, on the other hand, the reluctance of political elites to bring intellectuals to power have been among the factors influencing the development of political culture after the revolution. The method used in this research is descriptive-analytical, which has been collected in a library and documentary manner.

This article tries to answer the question of why and how Iran in the second Pahlavi era, despite the huge wealth it gained from oil revenues, underdeveloped in the political arena, based on the new institutionalist perspective. Findings indicate that the institutional characteristics of Iran in the second Pahlavi era, such as dependence on foreigners, dictatorship and unpopularity, monopoly and repression of popular organizations are among the main reasons for Iran's underdevelopment. , The lack of a mindset of corruption, the freedom of the media and the activism of civil society, and on the other hand, are at odds with institutionalist assumptions such as transparency, analyzability, rationality and practicality. The results of this study show that the Pahlavi government's access to oil rents and the separation of the government from the nation and the Shah's arbitrary actions in creating the country's civil institutions kept him away from the path of political development. The present article is a descriptive-analytical method using library resources and Internet resources

The subject of this study is a comparative study of women's rights discourses in Iran and Sweden. The main question of the article is about the comparative study of women's rights in Iran and Sweden with the case study of abortion. The research hypothesis was that the one-sided and materialist view of the dominant discourse of Western feminism and its reflection in the Swedish legal system by reducing women to the physical dimension and body or body is in contrast to revelatory views such as Shiite jurisprudence that puts man in two body dimensions. And John is considered to be manifested in legislative systems. Thus, this point of departure creates conflicting results that create two different paradigms. The results show that the prevalence of women's absolute freedom in countries such as Sweden is due to the dominance of "freedom of choice" theories that emphasize the absolute freedom of "body" with a worldview, and in contrast to the divine discourses in the legal system. Like Iran, it arises from the duality of "right / duty" which is the continuation of a divine view of human existence, so it cannot be considered absolute and unbridled freedom. The method of data collection is documentary and library and the approach of the article is descriptive and analytical.

How a person lives in the world and his behavioral norms and abnormalities has been one of the constant concerns of human beings since ancient times. Therefore, Greek and Islamic thinkers and philosophers, by dividing human cognition into theoretical and practical dimensions, have designed and pursued issues related to human behavior under the category of practical reason. In this regard, the article compares the main question of the concept of mediation as a virtue of practical intellect, what is its place and components in Ferdowsi (representative of Iranshahri discourse) and Master Motahhari (representative of Islamic Revolution discourse). Is. The hypothesis of the article is that these two thinkers, despite the common paradigm, which is reason and rational reasoning, despite the paradigm differences, nevertheless have presented common issues in the field of human life and action. The research has concluded that these two thinkers of Iranian civilization, relying on the support of philosophical wisdom and religious orders, have recommended a similar pattern of behavior in this part of practical reason, so inducing absolute conflict between Iranian and Islamic discourses is an ideological statement that should be credible. It should be researched in each case. The method of data collection was library and the approach of the article was interpretive.

An important gift of Iranians facing the West was the challenge between tradition and modernity. The field of women's issues was also caught up in this challenge. This article tries to answer the questions of when the thought of the women's rights movement entered the intellectual space of the Iranian society and in the form of what discourses it spread and how the role of intellectuals in this direction is done with a sociological-historical approach and through documentary and library methods. What paths have they taken in this direction and what has been the reason for their delay in addressing the issue of women? The findings indicate that the events before and after the Constitutional Revolution provided the ground for some Iranian women to become acquainted with the women's movement in the West. In the meantime, a quasi-movement structure was formed in Iran that emphasized the better life of women and the realization of women's rights. But with the advent of the Pahlavi period, the movement took the form of a state and became a calm wave. With the victory of the Islamic Revolution, after the constitutional discourse and the Pahlavi discourse, a third discourse of the women's rights movement was formed. This discourse is composed of different and sometimes contradictory spectrums and somehow seeks to respond to the challenges of tradition and modernity.

The main question of the present study is: What are the examples and scope of the jurisprudent's authority in the implementation of Islamic rules based on the rule of negation of hardship? The hypothesis of the article is: The emphasis of Islam is on removing the bottlenecks and difficulties from the life of Muslims, creating public security and regulating the relationship between the ruler and the people, as well as the enjoyment of justice for the general public. Therefore, the rule of negation of hardship is clearly related to social rules and to regulate people's lives in Islamic society. The findings of the study show that jurists, based on the denial of hardship, cleanse the society from the existence of injustices; In the political dimension, with vigilance and tact, they prevent the domination of foreigners and the exploitation of Muslims and the oppressed. Denying hardship does not allow any interaction with the oppressors of the world from an unjust position, because it will create economic and political hardships for Muslims. Also, resolving economic problems, emphasizing justice, enjoying political rights, good family life, and family affairs are among the reasons that justify the intervention of the jurist based on the rule of negation of hardship. The method of the present research is descriptive-analytical which has been done by using documentary sources and important works of Islamic jurists and has an inferential approach.