نشریه جستارهای تاریخی
سال یازدهم شماره 1 (بهار و تابستان 1399)

The national question is a concept that Marxists raised in the face of the spread of the wave of nationalism in the 19th and 20th centuries, and used it as a propaganda tool, especially on the eve of the October Revolution. In Iran, too, with the establishment of the Communist Party in 1338 AH, the party sought to explain its approach to the national question. The main questions of this research are why a concept called the national Question was raised in Iran? And what was the place of the national question in the political strategy of the Communist Party of Iran? This research examines these questions with an interpretive approach and with content analysis method. The study concludes that the national question was the result of communist propaganda from the Soviet Union before it had a real impact on Iranian society, and even the Communist Party of Iran paid little attention to it except as a tool to advance its political goals.

n the process of modernizing Iran's education system, the constitutional period is the beginning of fundamental changes. Various figures, institutions, associations and spectrums of people played a role in this development, but the role of parliamentarians has received less attention. In this article, while examining and analyzing the various opinions in the first parliament in the field of education, we will answer the basic questions of why such positions were adopted in this parliament. What problems did the Iranian society face in the structure of education at that time? And what proportion can be drawn between the laws passed by the parliament, the positions of the deputies and the problems of the society? By formulating these views and positions in the form of indicators related to the field of modernization of the educational system, we try to follow up on the consequences and examine the continuity or rupture of the votes and approaches of the first parliament until the next decades.

The newspaper is one of the most effective tools in critically examining the conditions of society. In Iran, the Qajar era, in spite of the emergence of political and social barriers, few newspapers reflected on the critical and suggestive issues that led to the transformation of various social arenas.This process of transformation was more serious in the days leading up to the constitution.Tarbiat was one of the few newspapers that could survive a long time because of the overwhelming conservative spirit. According to Mohammad Hossein Foroughi, editor-in-chief of the newspaper, the root of all the turmoil and backwardness of the Qajar era was to go back to ignorance.

Having Neishabur on one of the Silk Road highways established the connection of this area with other cultures. As Neishabour's artistic products, on the one hand (in terms of technical aspect), were influenced by the East, especially China, and on the other hand, in terms of its decorative forms and ideas, it was dependent on the Islamic caliphate capitals. This research has been conducted in a comparative approach with the aim of identifying the shapes of Neishabur's influences during the Abbasid era from potteries and ceramics of its time in China. Accordingly, and assuming the influence of Neishabur's pottery's effects on imported products from China (in particular the Changsha region as the major center for producing and exporting glazed ceramics at that time), the glazed products of these two regions are based on four variables of shape, technique, application and decoration have been compared. The results of this research indicate that the products of these two regions have technical and functional similarities, and the major differences between them should be sought in the type and quality of decorations in Neishabur products. The main reason for this is first, the differences between the visual patterns in the culture of the two regions and the differentiation of production methods according to the objectives of the producers of the two regions.

The discussion of political thought in Iran, focusing on the Islamic period, refers the researcher directly to a collection of works that have been written under the title of policy in different periods of history. The policy of writing during this period is the result of the accumulation of an intellectual-cultural duality; On the one hand, it is a reflection of political thought in ancient Iran, and on the other hand, it is mixed with traces of Islamic political thought. The most authoritative work in this context is the policy of Khajeh Nizam-ol-Molk Tusi during the Seljuk period. After that, other works that have been written and addressed under this title have followed the same previous process with some changes in terms of method and content. However, in any form, it is not an exaggeration to say that the purpose of writing these works is essentially to maintain the ruling power. Maintaining the ruling power is understandable by striving for legitimacy in a knowledge-power interaction. So, in this article, according to its subject, an attempt is made to answer the question, "What effect have the relations of power and expediency of the political authorities had on the evolution of the policy-writing policy?"

New approaches to literary criticism in looking at texts have transformed them from open and read-only texts into open and writable texts. Discourse analysis is one of these methods that can be helpful in analyzing and reading texts. Achieving hidden layers and dumb voices are the most important success of discourse analysis. Tarikh Jahan Gosha is one of the historical books that raises the question of why a historical text must be based on openness, logic and reason, sometimes distance from the method of historiography and the characteristics of literary texts, such as ambiguity, obscurity and emotion? Because of the comprehensiveness of the Fairclough analysis method in both theoretical and practical axes, we have based this method on research. In this method, the three stages of description, interpretation, and explanation of Tarikh jahan Gosha have been analyzed in discourse. In this way, the text of the book will certainly has something beyond history and literature. The findings of the study indicate that in the first volume of the book there are words, metaphors, phrases and sentences and Persian and Arabic poems that are discourse-based and all of them reflect the dualist discourse of the Mongols; appreciation and determinism, conservatism and fear, escalation of possible consequences, perpetuation of cultural tradition, consolation, and so forth that are all pillars of this discourse.

Al-Buwayh were from the original Iranian and Shiite families of the Dileman region of Iran, who claimed independence during the Abbasid caliphate and, while maintaining their apparent authority, seized the Abbasid caliphate in Baghdad and came to power. This Iranian Shiite family played an important role in preserving and expanding the Shiite hadith, jurisprudential, and theological heritage in Iran and Iraq, and consolidating and promoting the foundations of Imami Shiism.were written at that time. Among the historical sources of Al-Buwayh, the book " Tajareb-oll-omam " by Abu Ali al-Muskawiyyah is of great importance and is one of the main sources. This article intends to answer the question: What has been the reflection of the components of Al-Buwayhiyya Shiite identity in Ibn al-Muskawiyyah's book Tajareb-oll-omam? Which of the components of Shiite Imami identity have had the most and the least reflection in his book? Of the six volumes of the book Tajareb-oll-omam, the first, fifth, and sixth volumes were selected as case studies. For this purpose, using the content analysis method, the data were extracted in the three volumes and the research results were analyzed and interpreted with an interpretive approach. According to the research content, the content of the book has been given a lot of attention to the components of Imami Shiite identity, and these components, along with the important symbols and characteristics of Shiite identity in the book, have been widely reflected and confirmed and repeated.

One of the greatest aspirations of reformers and Iranian modernists was to transform the country's educational system. In fact, sending students to European countries and paying attention to their educational systems was in line with these goals. In the late decades of the Qajar era, the press described the American educational system and its advantages over European countries. present study is based on descriptive-analytical method and relying on the Press of Qajar era, unpublished documents of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and the National Documentation Center of Iran, for the first time examines the impact of the American educational system on Iran in the Qajar era and shows As a result of the propaganda and efforts of the Qajar press, as well as factors such as the National Iranian-American Association, and in particular the efforts of prominent Iranian diplomats in the United States, the Qajar government has been persuaded to model the American educational system, taking the first steps, which were to send students to the that country, and Between the time of the constitution and the extinction of the Qajar, a large number of Iranian graduates returned to the United States, providing comprehensive development opportunities.

 A glance at the research works of historians, especially of the new generation historians, reflects their negligence to address the historical events of their time. The reason for this avoidance is probably the conservative approach to traditional thought about the temporal realm of the science of history; it means that the prevailing thought among historians is that historical events are not close to the genre of historical themes, and that historical events then need to be researched that historic dust sits on them and is far enough away from the present. This present paper is in fact a critique of this common view of historiography. The authors of the paper believe that given the complexities of today's world and the pace of change, it is not possible to postpone thinking and writing about historical events for 30 or 50 years. Therefore, the assumption in this research is that any event that is of a historical nature and has entered the territory of the past, (a day ago, a week ago, a year ago, etc.) can be a matter for historians, and the negligence of historians on these events have many implications for the science of history. The authors believe that the field of study "Near History" can help to remedy these shortcomings. Keywords: Near History, Oral History, Past Time, Present Time, Historian Mentality

In East nationalism is known as a movement against imperialism and for self- protection. This movement influences the Iranian World – the World which had one cultural and political literature at least in urban societies and elites – and ties the concept of nation to concepts like race, language, territory and history. For nation- building, the Iranian World intellectuals uses new European scientific methods and knowledge. They find it more appropriate for their nation-states’ benefits. Applying new methods developed a new scientific literature that emerged the knowledge of Iranology. This article is used the archaeology of knowledge to study the texts, which introduced Iranian Studies at its early emergence. The hypothesis is even Iranology discourse in Iran is impressed by Orientalism archives, it is affected by the Iranian World’s political and social context. So Iranology appears when Iranian society interacts with modern changes in Iranian World and needs an Iranian identity. Then Iranology actuate Iranian cultural identity to a national cultural identity.

By rising of the Sassanids, this empire attempted to create gradually a central government dominated by the integrity of religion and government, hence, despite of existence of an emerging religion such as Manichaeism, Zoroastrianism dominated in this government. Considering the attitude towards religious minorities during the Sassanid Empire, although there was some laxity during the reign of emperors such as Shapour the First, oppression and rigor was reported in certain periods of this dynasty which to some extent were provoked by Zoroastrian priests. On the other hand, based on the evidence from written historical references, despite of stressing on Zoroastrianism, the Sassanid emperors had some Jewish and Christian women in their seraglio. In the present study, it was assumed that most of these women were involved in the power. The main question was that who were these non-Zoroastrian women of the Sassanid court and did they play any role in the government’s policies towards the religious minorities of their age? To do this research, the descriptive-analytical method was used. The findings indicated that the presence of powerful non-Zoroastrian queens or the ones supporting religions other than Zoroastrianism on power top led to the improvement of the religious minorities’ situations in the Sassanid community. It seemed that these queens played an important role in improvement of the situation of their coreligionists or the followers of the religions they supported through imposing on emperors and dignitaries of the state.

By applying the policy of appointing his children to states and provincial governments, while expanding his dynasty power throughout Iranian lands, Fath-Ali Shah Qajar created an intense competitive atmosphere among the Qajar ruling princes. The competitions among the three powerful and power-seeking princes of Fath Ali Shah (born in 1203 AH / 1789 AD), i.e. Mohammad Ali Mirza, Abbas Mirza, and Hossein Ali Mirza - were more pronounced. Hossein Ali Mirza was appointed as the governor of Fars and southern regions of Iran under the name of Farmanfarma, ruling in the area until the kingdom of Mohammad Shah. His establishment in Fars led him to be influenced by the ancient kings and Muslim rulers of Fars. During this affectedness of Shiraz court, he took the royal glamorousness and grandeur, and the princes ruling Fars thought of ruling the whole Iranian lands. Until the second period of the Russo-Persian War, Hossein Ali Mirza had always obeyed the central government and demonstrated this citizenship by constantly sending taxes to Tehran. But since then, when the authority of the Shah and Abbas Mirza, the Crown Prince, collapsed, his centrifugal policies increased. He disobeyed the central government by expulsion of Nouri family which was affiliated to the Tehran court, and not paying taxes regularly. After the death of Abbasmirza, Hossein Ali Mirza rose to the position of crown prince against Mohammad Mirza and intensified the competition after the death of Fath Ali Shah, declaring himself the official king of Iran in Shiraz. In spite of the support of the Russian and British governments over the reign of Mohammad Shah and the internal disputes of Fars, Hossein Ali Mirza was defeated by his crowned nephew, Mohammad Shah and surrendered. Via a descriptive-analytical approach, the present study aims to present Hussein Ali Mirza's political-military achievements in Fars to examine his position and role in the early Qajar succession competitions.