مجله دانش سیاسی
سال هفدهم شماره 1 (پیاپی 33، بهار و تابستان 1400)

Following the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991 and achievement of independence by the 15 breakaway republics, the security interests of the I.R. Iran in Central Asia and the South Caucasus was changed. The I.R. Iran could secure its security interests in the region by expanding its relations and cooperation with the newly independent republics. One of the important independent republics was the Republic of Azerbaijan, which because of its neighborhood plays a strategic role in the I.R. Iran''s security interests. Despite the strong historical, religious, civilizational and cultural ties of the Republic of Azerbaijan with the territory of Iran, its relations with the I.R. Iran in the post-independence era were more on the axis of divergence than on the axis of convergence. In this divergence, the role of identity concepts seems to be very important. This study is going to answer this key question that what was the effects of the concepts of identity on the relationship between the Republic of Azerbaijan and the I.R. Iran? The study show that the concepts of identity such as: the construction of Azeri identity confrontations with Persia promoted by the political elites of the Republic of Azerbaijan, secularism against Islamism at the domestic level of the Republic of Azerbaijan and the different perceptions and approaches of the two governments at the regional level and the international system have influenced the divergence of the Republic of Azerbaijan with the I.R. Iran. Those concepts direct the republic of Azerbaijan to choose deferent sovereignty system and develop its relations with the countries that their attendance in the region threaten the Islamic Republic of Iran’s security. The research method in this article is descriptive-analytical and the data collection method is library and Internet resources.

A key aspect of states is their structure of power. States are not like each other in power structure, and they are different. One of the effective factors on the structure of states power is related to the use of rental resources. In this regard, one of the theories that analyzed these states is rentier state theory. Existing researches in this theory has some deficiencies, such as the methodology weakness to explain the role of rental sources on the structure of state power. So the main purpose of this paper is developing the knowledge in rentier state theory through the use of a new theoretical-experimental approach, namely the political networks dialectical approach to explaining the role of rental resources in the structure of state power. A case study is state of Bahrain. The main question is, what is the role of the rental resources in the power structure of the Bahrain state based on the political networks dialectical approach? The researcher's approach is explanatory. The theoretical framework is based on the political networks dialectical approach using of the documentation tool for qualitative findings, and of the quantitative tool (by SOCNETV software) for quantitative findings in network analysis. The results of the paper show that rental resources play a major role in building the patron-client model in the power structure of the Bahrain state, and the political networks dialectical approach is also useful in analyzing this kind of structure.

The post-World War II subjective violence at the international level seemed to be less than the efforts made by a variety of international organizations, the Charter of Human Rights and the like. Again in the Middle East, after the events of September 11, 2001, the international community was compelled to again seriously address this issue in various hardware and software ways. In this article, while exploring the issue of subjective violence, a new concept called social capital is used to investigate the cause of its spread in the Middle East. Since various studies have confirmed the link between social capital and violence, this article discusses the causes of the decline and negative functioning of social capital and its relation to the reproduction of subjective violence. The key question is why is subjective violence in the Middle East constantly reproducing? In order to answer this question, using existing library documents and resources and using historical and sociological analysis, we try to reduce the causes of decline after theoretical examination of social capital and its relation to economic development. And also its negative function. We then examine the relationship between this concept and the reproduction of subjective violence in the Middle East. Findings and results indicate that the continued intervention of transnational interventionist powers (Britain, America, France), especially after World War I, has reduced or reproduced the negative functioning of social capital in the Middle East and has reproduced. Continued subjective violence in the region have led.The post-World War II subjective violence at the international level seemed to be less than the efforts made by a variety of international organizations, the Charter of Human Rights and the like. Again in the Middle East, after the events of September 11, 2001, the international community was compelled to again seriously address this issue in various hardware and software ways. In this article, while exploring the issue of subjective violence, a new concept called social capital is used to investigate the cause of its spread in the Middle East. Since various studies have confirmed the link between social capital and violence, this article discusses the causes of the decline and negative functioning of social capital and its relation to the reproduction of subjective violence. The key question is why is subjective violence in the Middle East constantly reproducing?

Sanctions are normally imposed on an individual, institution or country that violates international law and violates acceptable moral standards. The purpose of these sanctions is to force these institution to change their behavior. The withdrawal of the Trump government from the UN Security Council and the imposition of unilateral sanctions against Iranian government violate the UN Charter. The outbreak of Covid-19 in the world and the need for the international community to work together to curb this global crisis, prompted the Rouhani administration and others to call for the lifting of sanctions. The question in this study is when the cooperation of all countries to defeat this new virus is necessary, why US unilateral sanctions have not been suspended but rather intensified? In response to this question, the hypothesis is that the Trump administration is seeking to create more discontent among the Iranian people by increasing sanctions, thereby changing Iran's political system happen or at least changes Iran's behavior in the Middle East. The results of the research show that the theory of the effectiveness of sanctions on Iran has not been effective and the research method is descriptive-analytical.

The issue of security is one of the fundamental phenomena considered by the intellectuals and an individual and social need that the development of it is the duty of the nation and governments. The lack of national security affects the financial structure of each country and the lack of a proper financial structure affects the national security of that country and endangers the country. In the Safavid era, the existence of financial structures was one of the important factors influencing the Strengthening of national security, and the government relied on financial resources to secure it. Therefore, this study, in view of this issue, is intended to examine the "financial structures in Strengthening the national security of the Safavid era" and tries to find a suitable answer to the following questions: What is the impact of financial structures on national security and Strengthening provision? Of National Security in the Safavid Period? What was the mechanism of the role of financial structures in the Safavid era? Accordingly, the results of the study suggest that financial structures in a variety of ways, including increasing government financial revenue to build a cohesive army, secure roads and borders, expand commercial communications, establish inns and roads, and prevent political inactivity, Society played a major role in defending national security during the Safavid era. Key words:National Security, Safavid, Financial Structures, Economic SecurityThe function of financial structure in Strengthening the national securityin the safavid eraMahdi hamzeh poorm.hamzehpoor@isu.ac.comassistant Professor of management at Imam Sadig University Tehran I.R.Iran.Amirhosseyn shamaeezadeh M.A Student of financial management at Imam Sadig University Tehran I.R.Iran.Hamid rahimof masters degree of financial management at ashrafi esfahani university Esfahan I.R.Iran.The issue of security is one of the fundamental phenomena considered by the intellectuals and an individual and social need that the development of it is the duty of the nation and governments. The lack of national security affects the financial structure of each country and the lack of a proper financial structure affects the national security of that country and endangers the country

The ruling political system in Iraq during the four decades of the Ba'ath party's rule was a one-party military that was replaced by the federal military in 2004 after its overthrow. The subject of this dissertation is the challenges of the Iraqi one-party system for federalism .And the hypothesis is that the rule of Iraq's one-party system for decades has led to the suppression of civil institutions and the experience of party activity in that country. It has created obstacles and challenges for the realization of federalism To test the hypothesis, Huntington's and Blandell's theories are the theoretical basis for research .Based on this, scientific documents and texts have been reviewed and interviewed with individuals and experts in this field. The results suggest that one-party systems are in conflict with federalism in terms of substance, form, and practice. The focus is on the party and the leadership, the lack of freedom of the security parties, the fictitious trust of the tribes and the establishment of groups in unusual and critical conditions is the official form of power and the culmination of which is personalization the party's leadership is one of the hallmarks of Iraq's one-party system, which is the opposite of federalism and in this regard, negotiations and confrontation (stick and carrot policy) continued from the beginning of the party's life until the fall, the effects of which are more or less observed after the fall of the party. It can be argued that a series of events following the fall of the party, such as the formation of the Transitional Government Council, the conflict and the revolts of the tribes, the formation of the Awakening Councils, the formation and strengthening of ISIL, and the subsequent establishment of the popular mobilization and political tensions over the formation of parliament and government in recent years have not been without their roots in the Ba'athist one-party system.

Religious restoration has been the most important change in the latest decades of the twentieth century which came on the scene in the world of Islam in form of Islamic Movements. Houthi movement is one of these important movements about which little is known. Almost all analyses about Houthi movement which is originated from Zaydiyeh are journalistic in nature. However, the current study has scientifically analyzed the movement through Jaberi approach. Whether it is possible to analyze formation and function of the movement through this approach is the main question of the present research. It seems that the approach has provided a new basis for understanding arabic political reasoning which helps understanding the Islamic movement. Jaberi's analytical model includes components of faith (belief), tribe and booty which are employed in the current study. Innovatory nature of this model in analyzing a movement is among its merits.

Syria has had the highest level of relations among arab states and the Islamic Republic of Iran. This country was supporters of Iran during the imposed war. After the war, two mentioned countries completed political relations by economic exchanges and cultural relations Tehran and Damascus were considered as strategic allies in the middle east. To find the cause of the intimate relations between Iran and Syria, we must pay attention to the ideological and strategic context of these relations. Essentially The common ideology of Iran and Syria was an anti-imperialist orientation which was crystallized in anti-American and anti-Zionist tendencies and support for Palestinian groups. On the other hand, confronting with common threats in the periods of imposed war (Saddam Hussein and Israel) after that, Saudi Arabia and then Iran's effort to reach to the position of regional power are the main factors of strategic alliance of two countries (Hypothesis). As a result, the policy of both countries is not only maintaining the independence exploit of transnational forces in the region but also creating a kind of stability against the security threats of the middle east, which caused from the global pressures of powers, mostly. Thus, the alliance of Iran and Syria brings a new balance of power in the region that challenges the regional order influenced by Western global politics. In this study, we will look for reviewing a system of balancing power in the Middle East and the status of the coalition of two countries.

The United States, while a political unit, like other actors, is a country with a wide range of global interests. Accordingly, the active and effective presence of the country in international affairs is explained and interpreted. Understanding United States foreign policy in international crises management(ICM) and being aware of possible America reactions is of particular importance to foreign policymakers. During an international crisis, the United States is a major player in the crisis, or acts in the light of United Nation intervention. So the main question of the article is what is the pattern of United States behavioral logic in ICM? With the aim of achieving the management model of the United States in international crises, the ICB Project dataset, inspired by the idea of applied history, were extracted and statistically analyzed. In order to answer the main question of the article using exploratory research method, the findings of the article, which is in fact a hundred-year model of United States behavior in international crises, showed threat of influence, grave damages, limited military damage, and political threat has been most prevalent threats in the "America as Crisis Actor" crises. Non-violence has also been the dominant American technique in crises based on the threat of influence. Also the usual United States response to the threat of grave damage has been serious clashes or full-scale war. The United States has also been inactive in any of the crises the Security Council has dealt with, but the dominant approach has been low-level activity. According to the results, the article concludes that threats such as cultural, economic, or political have no potential to create an international crisis for the United States. The prevailing American response to the perception of the threat of grave damage will also be serious clashes or full-scale war. The main activity of the United States in crises in which it acting as Interfering actor, is low-level activity or inactivity.

The realization of social crime prevention, guaranteed by the economic and social rights of citizens, has always been accompanied by theoretical complexities and practical challenges. These kinds of rights have received far less attention than civil and political rights, both domestically and internationally. In addition, these rights are not accepted as a pure complaint in courts and judicial systems. What is the position of human rights obligations of states in the field of economic, social and cultural rights of citizens in international documents such as The Universal Declaration of Human Rights, the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights and the Constitution of the Islamic Republic of Iran?: The main question of this article. This research is basic. The results of this article can be used in the field of social and legal policy, as well as in the practical procedure of the courts. The researcher's approach is analytical and critical, and the method is to collect library content and refer to creditable sources in the field of research i.e The Universal Declaration of Human Rights, the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights and the Constitution of the Islamic Republic of Iran. Accordingly, this article after examining the nature of the obligations of governments to guarantee such rights, which is seen as an increasing commitment to consequence, discuss the most important task of governments in the field of economic, social and cultural law, such as the right to employment, the right to social security, the right to community acceptance and the right to adequate housing, all of which are measures of social prevention.

The question of the sovereignty of the people has always been one of the most common questions in political thought. This question has had different answers throughout history. These responses, sometimes expressed in terms of ontology, anthropology, and sometimes with regard to the effects of the transfer of government to the people, have addressed the issue of equality or inequality of individuals in exercising this right. One of the common answers to this question in research that has attempted to understand the above question in Shiite political thought is to pay attention to the theory of human divine caliphate. At first glance, it seems that sovereignty can be equally proven to the people. This means equal voting rights and the like. However, with more precision in this theory, different results can be found. Therefore, in this study we seek to answer the question: "What is the relation between the theory of human divine caliphate and equality in the exercise of the right to participate and vote?" In answer to this question, which was done by an analytical-descriptive method, first The prevailing views in the theory under discussion were emphasized by Sadr's views and then the conclusion was drawn that the attribute of the human divine caliph is an acquired attribute and therefore cannot be a basis for equal participation in the right of participation. However, it can be concluded that "inequality in voting" and generally "inequality in the exercise of sovereignty" can be extracted.

Realizing the future goals of the Islamic Revolution in the field of foreign policy requires understanding the principles of the foreign policy apparatus in the second phase of the revolution in the perspective of the supreme leader. Regarding to that this statement also contains material in the field of foreign policy, it is for many foreign policy scholars the question of what approach the foreign policy apparatus should take in the second step of the revolution. Explaining this issue is important because it defines the principles of the foreign policy statement and the duties of the foreign policy apparatus. Failure to properly explain the approach of the foreign policy apparatus can also cause damage to the nation and the nation, so it is necessary to do so. The main question of the research is "What are the foreign policy principles of the Islamic Republic of Iran in the second step statement?" The sub-question of the research is,"What approach should the foreign policy apparatus take in the second step of the revolution?" udy is to enable foreign policy-makers to familiarize themselves with their duties in the second step of the revolution. Its main purpose is to assist the foreign policy apparatus in explaining its future path. In this study, the most important foreign policy principles of the statement were extracted and coded using the thematic analysis method and library reference to the text of the second step of the revolution. Then, by examining the frequency of the eight principles and analyzing those principles by their earlier statements, it came to the conclusion that the leader of the revolution always regarded the United States and its allies as one of the eight principles and advised the foreign policy apparatus to delimit the enemy. Analyzing his remarks, the enemies of the Islamic Republic of Iran are the United States, the Zionist regime, and the United Kingdom, respectively.