فصلنامه پژوهش های راهبردی سیاست
پیاپی 34 (پاییز 1399)

Political elites of different strategic cultures, in similar situations in the international arena, practice different foreign policy behavior. In fact, different norms in the strategic culture of governments cause different perceptions of similar realities. Accordingly, the norms that shape the strategic culture of the Iranian political elite influence the foreign policy behavior of the country. The question, however, is how the foreign policy behavior of the Islamic Republic of Iran is affected by strategic culture. The main question of this article is how has the political culture of the political elite influenced the foreign policy of Iran? The researchers hypothesize that the specific norms of the political elite's strategic culture have shaped the national role of the mission-oriented state for the IR, and accordingly, have followed the behavioral indices of independence, transnationalism and revisionism in Iranian foreign policy. The theoretical framework of this paper is a combination of constructivism theory and strategic culture approach and has used qualitative deductive content analysis to understand the strategic culture of the IRI political elite.

One of the main debates in the field of humanistic epistemology is the agent-structure debate, which is naturally the same in the theoretical field of international relations. In this field of study, based on the approaches toward agent or structure, views are divided into three types; structuralism, agent centered and hybrid. Now if we want to theorize a local theory on the basis of Islamic view, naturally it's needed to specify Islam's approach toward this debate. The purpose of the author of this article is the view of the creators of the discourse of the Islamic Revolution, especially Imam Khomeini, on this issue, and secondly, to explain this type of view in the field of theory making on international relations. In this regard, the works and views of the main researchers in this field are reviewed and criticized and it is explained that despite the main view of these works that have seen the Islamic view as hybrid, in the view of Imam Khomeini and the discourse of the Islamic Revolution, while considering and accepting the existence of Structural constraints, agent-centricity, and human will are paramount.

The purpose of this article is to analyze the relations between Iran and Iraq after the fall of Saddam. the main question is: Despite the wide-ranging and historic differences between Iran and Iraq, What contributed to the improvement and expansion of bilateral relations between 2013 and 2017?The research hypothesis has been formulated using the "soft border" conceptual framework: "The expansion of ties between the people of Iran and Iraq over the period from 2003 to 2017, which results from a common religious identity, has increased the ties between the two countries and the development of a "soft border" between them. "The findings of the paper indicate thatwith the fall of Saddam and the rise of Shiites in Iraq, and the centralization of Marjaeit, the religious ties between the Shiites of Iran and Iraq have expanded; The findings of this paper are gathered from library and field resources and analyzed through descriptive-analytic methods.

Today, public diplomacy, as a complement to formal diplomacy, has become an important tool in the realization of foreign policy goals through the use of modern information and communication technologies, and the Islamic Republic of Iran is also given its potential cultural, religious and political capabilities tries to take advantage of this instrument to realize its principles and objectives in the international arena. The question of this research is whether the Islamic Republic of Iran, given its potential cultural, religious, and political capabilities, has been successful in its public diplomacy? It is also mentioned in the response that the Islamic Republic is weak in a structural, institutional and managerial context of public diplomacy and, accordingly, has failed to act in the field of public diplomacy as it deserves.

This study aims to investigate the effects of socio-economic status, the degree of religious faith, and media in the tendency of individuals to acceptance of principalism ideology. This research is applied type in terms of purpose, and descriptive and analytical in terms of the method used, and data collection has been done through a survey. Sampling method was cluster multistage sampling and the sample size (n) was estimated to be 368 people. The data collection technique was a 32-item questionnaire and data were analyzed using SPSS and SMART PLS software. The results of the research indicate that the average score of those who have a low socio-economic status tends to be high for the ideology of principalism. In the context of media impact, there is a reverse relationship between the viewing of foreign media outlets and the tendency of people towards the principalism ideology, and in relation to the impact of domestic media, the results indicate an increase in people's tendency towards principalism ideology when longer viewing of domestic media channels happens. It was also revealed that the tendency towards principalism ideology varies in terms of the average religiosity of individuals, and those who have a high degree of religiosity are more inclined towards the ideology of principalism.

JCPOA is a milestone in the nuclear diplomacy of the Islamic Republic of Iran, which has played a major role in policymaking and implementing institutions and organizations in shaping it. One of these decision-making bodies of the Islamic Consultative Assembly, especially the ninth and tenth assemblies. So, the main question to be asked is that what role the 9th and 10th parliaments have played in the process of Iran's nuclear diplomacy, especially in the JCPOA agreement? The research findings based on theoretical models of decision making in the field of foreign policy show that the positions and decisions of the parliament in nuclear diplomacy are based on the outsourcing of decisions of other institutions and organizations such as the Supreme National Security Council, Guardian Council, The Judiciary has been the executive branch. Based on the "limited rationality" of the parliament, the law enforced the government's obligation to maintain the nuclear and legal achievements of the Iranian people, the government's plan of appropriate and mutually beneficial action, the establishment of a special commission for the presentation of the six-month reports of the National Security and Foreign Policy Commission and approval Four bills called the AFTF.

This article aims to understand the nature and causes of reproducing bureaucratic corruption in transitional societies from the legal sociology view point. According to the authors, since the operation of bureaucratic system firstly is determined by the nature of power elites and the present structural relationships in the society; on this basis, the protector-nurturing mentality and surveillance lacking of dominant elites alongside lacking rule of law is the pivotal factor of growing corruption in transitional societies. This dilemma gradually leads to forming an anomic situation in various structures of bureaucracy and changing it into an arena for rent-based games and thus, causes the process of development to wane and accordingly, causes the society to involve mentally and morally in contradiction and turmoil and from the perspective of political economy subject to increasing passivity and devolution. The final resultant of this situation is social capital crisis and vulnerability in human capital. The article with an expressive approach and in the mold of combination of various sociological theories shows why and how bureaucratic corruption in transitional societies continues reproduction, and finally deals with the foundations of an anticorruption policy and its implications.

The Bahraini government tried to suppress the Bahraini people's movement on February 14, 2011, with the trial of mostly Shi'ite leaders. The political defenses of February 14th leaders in the Bahraini military tribunals can be seen as another area of continuation of political contention against the government, so that the trial of revolutionary leaders has become a confrontation between two discourses. This article seeks to elucidate and analyze the attitudes of the leaders of the February 14th Bahrain Movement. Indeed, this study, by analyzing the discourse of the Bahraini leadership's defenses, is seeking to answer the question that the leaders of the February 14th movement, who have been in Bahrain since 2011, how do they defend themselves in response to al-Khalifa's allegations? The results of this paper, which are descriptive-analytic and library-based sources, show that these individuals have used the most from the use of quantitative and qualitative variables from vocabulary, metaphor and interests cases to defend themselves. The reason for this is the social position of the leaders, their level of knowledge and skills in speech and writing, because they all had high level of science and most of them are the leaders of the political groups and have been associated with different classes and groups. In the end, this research will express the imagined horizon facing this movement and will explain the type of political structure of power that has emerged in Bahraini society.