فصلنامه بین المللی ژئوپلیتیک
سال هفدهم شماره 1 (پیاپی 61، بهار 1400)

Iran and Turkey are the two most important players in the Middle East and the Islamic world with a long-standing relationship with each other. With the collapse of the Ottoman Empire, Turkey was formed from the remains of the Ottoman Turks as a modern nation. In this new era, Iran-Turkey relations entered a new phase. With the advent of the Islamic Revolution, relations between Turkey and Iran were on the ups and downs. With the rise of Islamists led by Najmuddin Arbakan in the early nineties, relations between Iran and Turkey became very close. Relations fluctuated from 1995 to 2002, when secular power restored. But with the victory of the Islamist Justice and Development Party (AKP) Iran-Turkey relations entered a new phase in their history. In the new era and with the AKP's particular attention to its neighbors, particularly Iran. Many experts, meanwhile, believe that realistic theories provide the best explanation of the relationships and equations in the area. One application of this theory is its use to explain the balance of power in the region and efforts to maintain or change it by regional and international actors. In the discussion of the balance of powers in the region, we will also see how in support of specific hegemony in order to prevent another hegemony. The point is, of course, that this does not mean that they intend to limit their power or their goals for the sake of the system, but rather they seek to maximize their power or security, but in such a way that a balanced distribution of power among them also takes place. This study, using a realistic approach, tries to investigate the geopolitical trend of this period of Iranian-Turkish relations and to identify and analyze the aforementioned factors and areas.

The research is descriptive-analytic, and tries to explain the relations between Iran and Turkey based on the theory of geopolitical realism in the AKP era. In the present study, the factors affecting the conflicts, competitions and cooperation between Iran and Turkey during the period of AKP were extracted from library and documentary data and in order to determine the weight of the factors ECHP is used. The matrices were designed as a questionnaire and provided to four scholars in the field of science and three scholars related to the researcher's presence to respond. The software Expert Chase is used to analyze the data.

Research findings showed that areas of geopolitical competition between Iran and Turkey are as follows: Competition in Iranian and Turkish Self-Orientation; Competition in the Islamic and Iranian Islamic Model; Competition for leadership in the Islamic world, Iran-Turkey Competition in Syria; Iran-Turkey Competition in Iraq; Competition in the defense of Islam and Hamas. Also, areas of Geopolitical Conflict between Iran and Turkey are as follows: Hydro-politic Conflicts; Conflicts in the economic field; Pan-Turkism Conflicts; Shiite-Sunni Conflict; Conflicts in the field of diplomatic interactions; Conflicts over expanding the area of influence. Also, areas of geopolitical cooperation between Iran and Turkey are as follows: Cooperation on the Kurdish issue; Cooperation in the field of energy; Collaborating on the Nuclear Case; Security Cooperation.

The findings of the study indicated that among the factors affecting Iran-Turkey relations, competitive factors such as competition over Syria, Iraq and the sphere of influence are the most important. On the other hand, factors such as cooperation in the nuclear case and cooperation in the field of energy can be effective factors in the dependence of Iran and Turkey over time. In fact, Iranian-Turkish relation is in the context of current geographical and geopolitical realities. This context reflects the type of relations between the two countries, depending on its conditions and characteristics at any time and situation. Normally, Iran and Turkey are in a state of competition and cooperation. The two countries cooperate in economic cooperation, transit of goods and passengers, security cooperation on the issue of Kurdish separatism, but in cases such as the expansion of influence in geopolitical areas around, Islamic world leadership, religious competition, neighboring markets compete with each other. Today's situation is also highlighted by neo-Ottoman policy in Turkish foreign policy and efforts to expand Turkish influence in the historical territory of the Ottoman Empire in areas such as North Africa, Shamat, Iraq and the Caucasus, as well as Iran's attempt to converge countries such as Iraq, Syria, Lebanon and Yemen. It has involved the two countries in a proxy war and has sometimes led to sharp positions by the two countries against each other. This is exacerbated when other regional and transnational powers also play a role in the two countries' relations, which could lead to escalation of tensions between the two countries. Therefore, it can be said that in line with the geopolitical requirements, the relations between the two countries will flow in a range of cooperation and competition, but with the entry of non-geopolitical elements such as ideology and the interference of regional and transnational powers towards them the tension will be increased.

Intrduction:

Japan’s defeat in World War II, the loss of military power, and the ban on independent military actions after that era made this country a dependent and passive government in terms of security. Although in the years after the Second World War, the US security umbrella has been able to protect Japan from the Cold War and post- Cold War security crisis, the feeling of insecurity in recent years has created strategic dynamics in the country's grand strategies; and it can be substantiated that in recent years Japan, as a middle power, has moved towards increasing its military capabilities and has shifted from passive foreign policies. What is deduced from Japan's post-Cold War foreign and defense policy and strategy is that regional variables have been one of the main drivers and effective factors for these changes. In the same vein, this research analyzes the impact of regional variables on Japan's security developments and its change towards a normal state. According to this, this research considers that what environmental variables have made Japan aware of these threats and what has been Japan's response to these threats?

The research method in this research will be in the form of descriptive-analytic approaches using the mixed method (a combination of quantitative and qualitative methods). In the descriptive-analytic approach that the researcher seeks to answer why and how to establish a causal relationship between independent and dependent variables, it is attempted to describe a process and develop a concept. With this definition, this research seeks to examine the process of change in Japanese security policies, to develop the concept of a "normal state" with an impact of regional variables. The data collection method is based on library findings. 

A review of theoretical approaches to international relations indicates that each of these approaches can provide significant help to Japanese security's researchers in answering the questions of "what regional threats and why regional variables are threatening" but these approaches have two weaknesses. First, each of them focuses only on one aspect of the analysis. Second, they ignore Japan responds to security threats. Contrary to these two disadvantages, Stephen Walt's balance of threat theory has two advantages that can be used to analyze this research. On the one hand, this theory has simultaneously taken into account both material and semantic perspectives, which in turn make the analysis comprehensible. On the other hand, it is possible to outline Japan's response to security changes in the form of "internal and external balancing".This research concluded that China and North Korea are defined as threat to Japan's national security, regarding the four threat defining components (overall capability, geographic proximity, offensive capabilities, aggressive intentions), which have been raised in Stephen Walt's Balance of threat Theory. Comparison of the threat level of China and North Korea indicates that although North Korea is generally less understood than China in terms of overall power sources due to lack of power components (such as economic power, population, size, etc.), as Walt believes, powerful countries are not necessarily threatening and there could be some countries that, while lacking key components of power, pose a serious threat to international security while alliances may be formed against powerless countries. Therefore, North Korea is a serious threat against Japan's national security as well as stability and peace in East Asia.According to research's results, regional threats have pushed Japan into a counterbalance of both internal (statutory and institutional) and foreign (deeper coalition with the US and security networking in East Asia and beyond) balanced threats. Also, it was concluded that the Japanese security environment was moving towards unpredictability and complexity, deepening Japan's security integration with the US and security networking as a strategy has been on the agenda of Japanese policymakers. It has to be mentioned that the role of Japanese leaders and politicians is important. According to the findings of this study, the political security strategies and behaviors of these countries change as the security environment of states becomes more strategic and in parallel with reformist and transformational leaders in these countries. With regard to Japan, while its foreign security environment at the same time imposed special requirements on its security and foreign policy behaviors and a transformative individual had come to power, the country experienced significant changes in its strategic calculations and foreign policy.

Japan's behavioral analysis indicates that the complex security environment, and in particular the perception of the threat of China and North Korea have been the main drivers of Japan's strategic change in practiced and announced policies. The reasons for this perception of China and Korea as threat, as well as Japan response to these security concerns were described in the context of Stephen Walt's balance of threat theory. The outlook for the balancing strategy points to many internal and external challenges and opportunities for Japan and other countries, such as: increasing Japan's deterrence over China and North Korea, boosting Japan's national security, strengthening the US hegemony in Northeast Asia, expanding arms race in the East Asia, increasing tensions in border disputes, increasing misunderstanding and misapprehension among regional actor.

From the beginning of its formation as an independent geographical unit under the monarchy to the current federalism system of government the political process in contemporary Iraq has been influenced by external and internal factors, and instability has always overshadowed this country and what is now apparent in modern Iraq is that still the new political system remains unstable. Iraq, recognized as one of the legacy states of the collapse of the Ottoman Empire and the outcome of the post-World War I conquest, since its inception, violence and logistical strife has continued with the fall of the Ba'athist regime and the establishment of a federal system. In fact, federalism in Iraq is the heir to a tumultuous history, fragmented society, ethnic-sectarian sociological divisions, concentration of power by a minority of communities, the status of Kirkuk and other contested areas, forcible Arabization and emigration from the former systems and many problems are remained unresolved. With such a situation and background, it is difficult to imagine Iraq free of violence and conflict. In fact, what has happened since the fall of Saddam in Iraq has been the failure of the new political system to repair the existing sociological gaps in Iraqi society, to provide security and public services, and to solve some of the former problems. Regarding that countries are in a form of interaction, the unstable situation in Iraq can also affect the other countries of the region, so in order to explain the subject under study, it seems necessary to conduct this research.

This research investigates the future of Iraq's federalism system for the horizon of 2030, based on historical trend analysis that relying on the factors which influence the situation in this country. At first, the areas of influence in the field of Iraqi federalism and its presentation to the elites were determined by the list of variables of each constituency, followed by a review of the opinions of the elite group and then are verified. Also, based on the influential factors in the situation of the country, the data were collected using Delphi method and finally, by entering the variables into the Micmac software, relevant analysis was presented and the target, independent, risk variables, etc. were identified and key proponents were identified. They were classified according to the situation in Iraq. Then, by adapting propellants, details of effective parameters in probable scenarios were formulated, and challenge and potential analysis of each domain was performed. And while analyzing the hypotheses, the proposals of each domain were also expressed.

Accordingly, three scenarios are presented: desirable scenario (considering Iraq in true federalism with non-centralization and balanced distribution of wealth and power), optimistic scenario (reminiscent of its current state and continuing the current political system shaky and unstable) and crisis scenario (on the one hand, they represent the collapse of Iraq and, in other words, the rise of the demands for independence and the return of the authoritarian political system).

Because the nature of the government in Iraq has been at odds with the multicultural nature of its society since the beginning of its political life, and because of its centenary history, and issues such as the insurgency, the coup, the revolution, the civil war, and there has always been a shadow of strife and strife, producing a fragile structure, Iraq has been a bankrupt country since the fall of the Ba'athist regime, with few signs of improving the political process. Based on the variables and discussions around the subject given the circumstances in Iraq, and in answer to the research questions it can be said that two scenarios of optimism and crisis in the horizon set for Iraqi federalism are likely.

In the early 2010th, there was a tide of discontent first in North Africa and then in the Middle East. Syria led by Bashar Al-Assad did not stay away from the public tide of dissatisfaction. Although people initially expressed their unhappiness with the Syrian government, yet by the interference of regional and international actors starting in August 2011, it turned into an international crisis. Russia is among the most important international actors in Syria. Since the time of worsening of the Syrian crisis, Russia along with Iran made diplomatic and political efforts in order to prevent the direct military invasion of the West to Syria like what happened in Libya. Putin announced repeatedly in press conferences addressing his Western counterparts, that military actions of the West in Libya and earlier in Iraq and Afghanistan is doomed to fail and Moscow is trying to reach to a political solution in the framework Geneva peace initiative and based on a multilateral negotiation between the Assad government and its opponents.However, in September 2015, upon the official request of Bashar Al-Assad, Russia decided to intervene directly in Syria which as a result turned the balance of power in Assad’s favor. Therefore, the question raised here, is why the Putin-led Russia decided in 2015 to start a direct military presence in Syria? In other words, in 2011 through 2015, Russia was striving to find a peaceful solution to Syrian crisis; however, in 2015, it decided for a direct military involvement in Syria, and along with Iran and Hezbollah of Lebanon, support Assad against his opponents. This article`s main argument is that “Russia with its geopolitical influence in the Middle East including Syria, seeks to take control over the main energy transfer lines in the Middle East and become the global energy hegemon”. So, the independent variable is “the geopolitics of energy i.e., Russian policy of becoming the global energy hegemon” and the dependent variable is the “the direct military presence of Russia in Syria since 2015”.

In this line, the authors first mention the original desire in Moscow after the collapse of the Soviet Union to bring back the Russian Federation to its initial place in international system and turn it to a argue that it is first stated that after the collapse of Russia the leaders in Kremlin were after the return of Moscow to its initial place in the international system; however, the approach and view of the Russian leaders to how become an internationally recognized superpower were different. Yeltsin, the first Russian president, with his Atlantic aids hoped with a cordial relation with the West especially the United States, could achieve this goal. However, the result was nothing but the collapse of the Russian economy; in a way that in the late 1990s, observers suspected that the Russian economy is no more capable of recovering. But, since Putin became president and following his rule over Russia for several years, all political equations changed. Putin emphasizing on Russia’s comparative advantage, saw energy as an important factor in Russia’s power. Consequently, since 1999 when Putin came to power, he tried to make Russia take control over energy transfer routes and energy exporting countries in Central Asia and even the Middle East. To this end, during the 2000s, when projects such as Nabucco and Trans Anatolian pipeline came underway by the Western (mainly European) countries aimed at reducing their oil and gas dependence on Moscow, Russia, on the other hand, started the construction of alternative pipelines and also prevented countries such as Turkmenistan to join the Nabucco and Trans Caspian pipelines.

At the onset of a new crisis in Ukraine in 2014, Europe sought to break dependence on Russia; so, it seemed that the Middle East with its huge gas and oil resources, was a good alternative for Russia. Therefore, countries such as Turkey and Syria as energy transfer routes and Iran, Qatar and Iraq as those with energy (especially gas) resources, were considered potential rivals with Russia. In a view to Syrian crisis and Russian military intervention in Syria in 2015, it is understood that with his military intervention in Syria, Putin succeeded to control all his potential energy rivals. In other words, in 2015, while the Syria-Iran-Hezbollah-Iraq axis was in a relative weakness and anti-Syrian rebel fighters on the one hand and ISIS on the other hand, had seized a vast territory in Syria and Iraq, Russia involved militarily in Syria with the goal of fighting terrorism and preventing the collapse of Bashar Assad. This intervention which is said to be encouraged by Iran, succeeded to limit the Islamic Republic`s maneuvering power as the Russian rival in the field of energy policies. Further, Moscow`s support for Iraq against the ISIS kept this country in line of Russian geopolitical and geo-economics interests in the Middle East. Finally, the Russian military involvement in Syria could prevent Turkey, as one of the most important energy transfer routes, become the major player in the Syrian crisis and thus a serious rival for Russia. Further, Moscow succeeded to distance Turkey from its Western allies and bring it to its orbit.

Elections and political participations are concepts and events that have different approaches and aspects that each one falls in research focus of one of social sciences. Meanwhile, electoral district, spatial opponents, environmental perception of spatializing streams, geopolitical weight of electoral districts are in the focus of election geography as a subdiscipline of political geography. Mamasani electoral district in Fars province is a type of constituency that traditional relations of tribal power of county are regenerated in competition atmosphere in modern political act of election. This means that tribes and their rites are one of the most influencing spatializing streams in Mamasani electoral district. In this county, each tribe as a political- spatial structure is seeking for its internal solidarity and competition based on tribal realms in order to be able to render their favorite candidate to the parliament. Therefore, attempt to attract maximum votes and to achieve power have been undertaken for power relations in the process of parliament elections. These relations are scrutinized based on "interactive", "competitive", "authority" and "domination" patterns in the frame of political geography or geopolitics. Accordingly, tribes are able to use these patterns that have consistent history, immense realm and population, economic potency, influential groups and impressive forces, in other words, have more spatial and local weight. This research tries to explain the pattern of geopolitical relations of tribal groups in Mamasani electoral district.

While explaining the pattern of geopolitical relations and its types, this paper investigates the political power and role- playing of each tribe in the frame of the election. This topic has been disregarded about Mamasani society. Accordingly, it is considered that any research and study explaining the pattern of geopolitical relations of tribal groups has not been done. Study method has a descriptive- analytic nature and required data are gathered using library, documentary and field methods.

The research findings show that the pattern of geopolitical relations in Mamasani electoral district has different aspects, and "interactive", "competitive", "domination" and "authority" patterns among different tribes are existed. However, Bekash, Javid and Rostam tribes have been impressing in generating these patterns. The attempt of each one of these political- spatial structures to conquer the election competition has underlain forming and generating different patterns. In this framework, tribes like Bekash and Javid have been able to take more seats in different periods of election due to being settled in central area of Mamasani county and having further common geographical boundary with other tribes, significant vastness and population, using passionate and concordant forces and electoral advertisements. On the other hand, Rostam tribe is still seeking its political and social status in Khan Period, because has been always active in tribal structure of Mamasani. So, this tribe's triumph means strengthening geopolitical weight. However, geographical obstacles (distance from Nurabad city and having any common boundary with Doshman Zyary and Mahvarmilani tribes) and the weakness of internal alliance and solidarity has created basic challenges. This situation has caused that this tribe commence an interactive pattern or competition, and has decreased domination or influence on others. Eventually, Doshman Zyari and Mahvarmilani tribes not only are not able to nominate candidates in the election, but also cannot organize themselves. In fact, because of the residents of these tribes’ migration to other counties, it is very difficult for them to be active in policy field. Therefore, it has allied to other tribes and has been turned into the dominated realm of other tribes. Research findings also show the type of geopolitical relations pattern. So, Bekash tribe, as the superior power, has been able to exploit other patterns while interacting with Rostam, Doshman Zyary and Mahvarmilani tribes. This means that, geographical adjacency to Mahvarmilani has underlain the domination and investment in Doshman Zyary territory. However, Bekash and Javid tribes have competitive patterns in the elections. On the other hand, Javid tribe has intended to interact with Rostam tribe and exceeds in Doshman Zyary and Mahvarmilani realms. However, Rostam tribe is not able to avoid interactive pattern with Doshman Zyary and Mahvarmilani and cannot dominate and authorize. Finally, the last two tribes have not defined any especial geopolitical relation for themselves because of having floating votes.

The results showed that given the tribal structure governing Mamasani electoral district in the period of election, competitions with geopolitical natures between tribes settling in Mamasani district are formed on achieving political power (parliament seats). The type and pattern of geopolitical relations are different and includes "interactive", "competitive", "authority" and "domination". As far as, these competitions lead to challenge and quarrel between tribe in Mamasani districts.

Multi-ethnic societies and their national identities face major challenges today, one of the most important of which is the challenge of intensifying ethnic identification. In general, several factors play a role in creating this challenge, one of the most important of which is the growth and expansion of cyberspace as a tool of the globalization process. The claim here is that cyberspace, with its functions and facilities, has been able to strengthen ethnic identities in multiethnic societies, thereby weakening the national identity in these societies.The important point here is that Iran, as a multi-ethnic society, is currently facing this challenge, as cyberspace has also affected Iranian ethnic groups and a significant number of members of these groups are using this space to strengthen their ethnic identities, which has negatively affected their memory of belonging to their national identities.In general, this issue necessitates the adoption of appropriate and efficient policies by the State of the Islamic Republic of Iran in order to meet the challenge of intensifying ethnic identity and strengthening the tendency of members of Iranian ethnic groups towards their national identity and consolidating Iran's national identity. Otherwise, the territorial integrity and national identity of the country will be severely damaged. Accordingly, the main questions of the article are as follows: how cyberspace has been able to challenge the national identity of Iran by intensifying ethnic identification among members of Iranian ethnic groups? and how the State of the Islamic Republic can deal with this challenge?

The research method is descriptive-analytic and the method of collecting resources and information is based on library findings. In general, the present study finds answers to the research questions by collecting information and using the findings of research.

The findings of the study show that despite the diversity and multi-ethnicity of Iran and the absence of conflict and incompatibility between national identity and ethnic identities throughout the history of this country, cyberspace has been able to influence the tendency of members of groups. Ethnicity in Iran has a negative impact on national identity, intensifying the ethnic identification, and in turn, reducing their sense of belonging to the national identity. In addition to this issue, lack of comprehensive development of ethnic areas in Iran has also played an effective role in motivating members of ethnic groups to use cyberspace to strengthen the ethnic identity.In general, cyberspace has allowed members of Iranian ethnic groups to use it in order to organize themselves in cyberspace and strengthen their ethnic identity by overcoming government oversight. These groups have been able to strengthen and highlight their ethnic identity by connecting with other ethnic groups around the world. This situation has increased their attachment to their ethnic identity, and has negatively affected their sense of belonging to the national identity.According to this article, in the absence of a rational response by the State of the Islamic Republic of Iran, this situation will cause institutional and peaceful activities and actions to be replaced by non-civil and violent activities and actions, and as a result, the existence of Iranian territory and national identity will be threated. From the point of view of this article, this Iranian State can adopt policies such as: rational confrontation with the process of globalization and cyberspace, implementing a consistent policy towards the ethnicity (the unity based on plurality), improving the quality of life of people in ethnic areas, providing opportunities for more active participation of ethnic groups, adapting a more effective policies in education system, and adopting a rational policy in the field of radio and television media to face with the challenge of intensifying ethnic identity, thereby helping to strengthen the tendency of members of Iranian ethnic groups towards their national identity and strengthen and strengthen Iran's national identity.

Globalization as a coherent and integrated process has been able to influence and challenge national identity in multiethnic and diverse societies through its tools, including cyberspace. In fact, cyberspace with its functions and facilities has been able to strengthen ethnic identities in multiethnic societies, and thus has led to the weakening of national identity in these societies, which includes Iran. Of course, the important point here is that the lack of comprehensive development of ethnic areas is also effective in motivating members of ethnic groups to use cyberspace to strengthen their ethnic identity. Cyberspace has given members of Iranian ethnic groups the opportunity to use it to organize themselves in cyberspace and strengthen their ethnic identity by overcoming government oversight. On the one hand, this has increased their attachment to their ethnic identity and on the other hand, it has had a negative effect on their sense of belonging to their national identity. The important point here is that the continuation of this situation will have adverse and irreparable consequences for the national identity and territorial existence of Iran. Accordingly, the State of the Islamic Republic, by adopting rational and effective policies, can weaken the current trend of ethnic identity in the country and, in turn, increase in the tendency of members of ethnic groups towards their national identity and strengthen Iran's national identity.

State as a political system has political behavior. Its elements and components are interconnected and work towards a common goal. The output of government as a political system can be examined in both internal and external dimensions. In other words, the positive output of the political system inside the country will increase citizens' satisfaction, strengthen their political legitimacy, increase public welfare, domestic security, and so on. In the outside, it also strengthens authority and sovereignty, enhances competence in regional and even global games, and continues to interact with the international community and to secure national interests. If a political system does not have these outputs and its energy and capital is spent on other affairs, then it will face complicated issues. The state is constantly confronted with evolutions in the economic, social, political, and technical spheres, and as the sole power in a country, it must have the will to continue the system and resolve the problems. The existence of a modifiable capacity in a system makes it viable. Any political system embedded in a totalitarian or similar ideology that faces social, economic, and political problems, if it fails to resolve the issues, it will lead the system to critical situation. The present study revolves around the fundamental question of what are the most important problems that can cause the collapse of a political system.

This is a causal-analytical study. The research data and materials have been collected in a library-based manner with emphasis on rich and first-hand sources. This study attempts to explain the systematic attitude in political geography, to describe the important entropies in political systems and their role in the collapse and diminution of such systems.

One of the most important human systems that faces entropies, is political system. The loss of energy in political systems is obvious, but it is very high in some political systems. Although a political system may have certain characteristics, entropy is mentioned in their joint evaluation. The entropy in political systems is disorder. The higher the entropy in a political system, the more disorder it will be cause.The most important entropies of the political system are as follows:Political-administrative corruptionThere is no standard or specific standard for measuring corruption, but Transparency International as an international institution defines and applies some indicators to measure corruption. The latest report emphasizes that Denmark is the healthiest country among 180 countries surveyed. Based on this report two-thirds of countries have high level of corruption.

Social capital depletion:

Social capital emerges as a result of trust between the state and citizens. The greater confidence, the stronger social capital. Social capital does not have a financial form but can produce asset. The London-based Legatum is one of the international organizations that measure the level of social capital in different countries. The institute released its latest annual report at the end of 2019, which examined 167 countries worldwide. The findings of the annual report emphasize that Denmark is the country with the highest level of social capital among all the countries surveyed, while the African country of Gabon has the lowest level of social capital.

Geopolitical Challenge:

Geopolitical challenge is another important entropy in political systems that will cause the system collapse if it continues. In recent years, some countries have been trapped in geopolitical challenges, and as a result, their entropy has reached a dangerous stage. Syria is one of these countries.

Restriction of human rights and freedom:

Another important entropy is the restriction of freedoms. Human rights and freedom are recognized as the most obvious and first rights of citizens in the world. Democracy and freedom are among the most controversial rights in the world. After the end of the Cold War, the process of democratization in the world increased, the fall of the Berlin Wall in 1989 and the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991 paved the way for the emergence of civil society institutions in the countries. Between 1988 and 2005, non-free countries fell from 37 percent to 23 percent, while free countries rose from 36 percent of the world's total to 46 percent. This upward trend is now reversed. Between 2005 and 2018, non-free countries increased by 26 percent and free countries decreased by 44 percent. The collapse of the Soviet Union as a super eastern power which occurred due to the emergence of destructive entropies, is a great experience for all countries which their political system avoids defective structures and mismanagement and constructive interaction. The Soviet Union spent between $ 3.5 billion and $ 5 billion annually on ideological propaganda. The Soviet army at that time had 4.5 million troops. Part of the Soviet Army's equipment included 50,000 tanks and 20,000 cannon, more than 5,200 helicopters, more than 3,500 fighters, more than 250 nuclear bombs, 7,000 nuclear warheads, 156 strategic bombers, but ultimately was collapsed.

Every state, as a political system, always faces two groups of entropies. The first group, which has an internal origin and appears in a national scale can be explained from the perspective of political geography, and the second group, which is transnational and can be explained from a geopolitical point of view. The emergence of entropies is related to the functioning of political systems. A faulty political system with poor performance provides the platform for entropy. In such systems, the internal entropic state gives rise to the external entropic state, which is the same as geopolitical challenges. In other words, the geopolitical challenges that turn into entropy are the result of an inefficient political structure. The future of countries that are in an entropic situation does not have a clear horizon. A clear example of such countries is the collapse of the Soviet Union which was a military super power. The leaders of the Soviet Union did not claim to be constantly evolving and in addition to this widespread propaganda, the tyranny repressive machine of the Soviet Union suffocated every voice and could not tolerate any dissenting voice, so it did not believe in reforming the political system in any way. Inside of the Soviet Union was depicted for others like a paradise without shortages, but the reality was quite different. With all its authority, ambition, and austerity, the Soviet political system gradually became entrenched, and since its leaders did not believe in reforming the political system and resolving the problems, the political and geopolitical entropies of this powerful regime became entangled and eventually collapsed the Union.

Failure to pay attention to the ecological and human weaknesses of a land and its non-conformist planning cause environmental, economic, cultural-social, political and security damage. For the rational management of the land and the creation of a sustainable development and security, the comprehensive look at the territorial characteristics seems essential. In Iran, various plans and programs have been drafted and implemented since the year 1964, but these programs have never led to a sustainable and balanced biology. Since the inception of these programs, so far, not only geographic justice has not been formed, but  also has caused the gap between the geographical areas and the core-periphery. That is, how much of these programs are consistent with the scientific and real world (the regulation of human relations and space and human activities in space), and are they consistent with the scientific principles of geography, how is the territorial planning and how the distribution of population, human activities and development perspectives are based on the ecological and biological capabilities and geopolitical requirements of the land of Iran? In this research, geopolitical codes are defined in relation to geopolitical structure and logically the positive and negative effects of geopolitical codes on the transformation of geopolitical forms and perspectives of Iran have been investigated. Here, the geopolitical weight of the country, which is the result of the sum of the geopolitical codes contained in the geopolitical map of the country, expresses the small weight of this comprehensive geopolitical map.

The present research is descriptive-analytic, and is applied in terms of its operational capability. The data collection tools are three types of check-up (for qualitative study), and tables, charts, statistics and information (for quantitative study) and field findings. SWOT method is used in combination with the geopolitical framework of the article and in the form of positive and negative codes to analyze weaknesses and internal strengths and threats and opportunities. In completing SWAT, the QSPM method has been used to prioritize the extracted strategies of geopolitical codes in the form of SWOT.

Comprehensive study of geopolitical codes, strategic factors and proposed strategies and their formulation show that planning in the territory of Iran has been roughly reversed in the direction of reversal of geographic realities and requirements. Meanwhile, in the process of territorial planning of Iran, the relationship between human, space and activity is not well defined. The type, shape, size and location of activities in the territorial space of the country are not consistent with geographical and historical realities. In general, the scholar believes that the country's territorial capabilities and strengths are in the perimeter of the environment and borders, margins and shores. Based on the conceptual model of the paper territorial planners and the Government of Iran have to achieve its goals and aspirations and securing the four interests of ontology security, material security, development and recognition, in the field of territorial development and management seeking for security (ontology and material), sustainable development, and gaining geopolitical position and role in the region and in the world. In this way, it is also confirmed that geopolitical codes, providing a comprehensive understanding of the strengths and weaknesses of the land, the foreign threats and opportunities of the, as well as the damage caused by human planning in the terrestrial environment, provide a framework for the presentation of a strategic model corresponding to provides geographical and territorial realities in the land of Iran. 

In the territorial planning system of Iran, no strategic, comprehensive, coherent and transparent program has been presented so far. This means that Iran does not have a strategic document with the specifications. Of course, paying attention to the country's political and fabrication scenes is a damage to the political structure of space. Because the whole of the national space and the transnational informal realm must first be formed, then the state and political boundaries should be shaped, so that these divisions could be the basis of the state. The Land Register is a national and regional project and is not applicable to small or non-geographic areas such as current provinces. Therefore, Iran has to admit that there is lack of a strategic vision because of the lack of a strategic, comprehensive, coherent and transparent strategy and document. Without strategic vision, the weaknesses, strengths, threats and territorial opportunities, or geopolitical codes cannot be identified, and also a comprehensive and strategic map or comprehensive geopolitical map cannot be achieved. The general approach to planning in the terrestrial environment of the country is not affected by a logical, scientific and educational program, and, in contrast, has followed the procedures and elements that led to the concentration of population and activities in particular areas.