نشریه سیاست متعالیه
پیاپی 31 (زمستان 1399)

The purpose of the present study is to review the feasibility of the political exegesis of the Qur’an. By answering to 5 questions in 3 related fields to the political exegesis, including the audience of the political exegesis, the source under study, and the relationship between the Qur’an and Islamic politics, the present research using a descriptive-analytical method showed that the Qur’an has as much political instructions to make political study possible. The political concepts of the age of revelation can be extended to the present age as well. The objectives of Islamic politics are consistent with the main objectives of the Qur’an and there is compatibility between the method of Islamic politics and the Qur’an comprehension. The validity and authenticity of the political propositions derived from the Qur’an and Islamic politics are appropriate to their essence so the political exegesis of the Qur’an would be feasible. The substantiation of this feasibility paves the way for proving other principles and finally gathering the principles of the scientific philosophy of political interpretation.

The purpose of the present study is to prove the authenticity of peace in the most important source of Islamic civilization that is the Qur’an. In this regard, the main research question is whether the approach of war and opposition or peace and communication have authenticity in our relations with others. The method of study is thematic interpretation and its methodology is the political interpretation of the Qur’an. The research relies on the hypothesis that contrary to the ideas of radical Islamists and with respect to a comparison between the verses of Jihad and the verses of peace, the ultimate objective of the Qur’an is to pave the way for a pleasant life provided with material and spiritual blessings so the Qur’an confirms peace and communication. The results of the study show that in order to organize disorder in the Islamic world and control the crisis of Islamic radicalism in the current age, it is essential to refer to the Qur’an and come up with rational interpretations based on the needs of Muslims. In the logic of the Qur’an, there is priority for peace over war, communication over opposition, tolerance and compassion over violence and hatred, and finally interaction over confrontation. A secure society with capable and developed human beings can be achieved in the light of the above-mentioned guideline.

The purpose of the present study is to explain the political implications of Surah Muhammad (PBUH). Delving into the style of Surah Muhammad (PBUH) by thematic analysis and also focusing on the first and the last verses in this Surah, its name and Medinan classification, it was revealed that the ultimate theme refers to Jihad and some other related issues. The necessity to gain power for Jihad, the need to acquire knowledge for increasing the quality of Jihad, and also knowing the dignity of Jihad are among the organizing themes in this Surah.

The purpose of the present study is to explain the disagreements and paradoxes in the different views about the meaning of the 6th verse of Surah al-Inshiqaq on the concept of Liqa’ Allah (meeting God). There is not a consistent view in Shi’ite and Sunni exegeses on the conception of Liqa’ Allah. The main research questions are: Is Liqa’ Allah for all humans or a special group of people? What are the political-social implications of every exegesis and what evidence does it include? Using the method of comparative exegesis and exploring the meaning of different terms with the Thalathi Mujarrad origin of “Laqi”, this article reviews exegetical, mystical, theological, and philosophical viewpoints in this regard. The results showed that meeting God is attainable by all humans through spiritual journey (Soluk), in which the infallible Imams are pioneers, but other humans can also achieve these miracles. The promise of achieving this level of political-social activities (Kadh-e ‘Am or general striving) is interpreted under the concept of Liqa’ Allah. Participation in political activities (from Jihad to building an Islamic state) and participation in social activities (from forming a family to increasing the quality of living in society) can be interpreted as instances of moving in the way of Liqa’ Allah.

The purpose of the present study is to comprehend and review the theoretical argument between the transcendent politics and mundane politics based on the verses in the Noble Qur’an and the historical data. The main research question investigates the cause of the stubborn opposition of the disbelievers in Mecca against the Prophet (PBUH). The method of study is descriptive analysis and it relies on the hypothesis that the instructions of Islam were not compatible with the dominant political system in Mecca and it thus led to some political conflicts. The results convey that it seems the reason of the opposition of the disbelievers in Mecca against the Prophet (PBUH) is related to the contradiction between Islam and the dominant political system in Mecca and that the theoretical principles of the transcendent politics of Islam are in serious contradiction with the mundane politics of the ignorant Arabs. The messages of the Noble Qur’an since the time of revelation in holy Mecca confirm the political and social life. If there was not the stubborn opposition of the disbelievers in Mecca and the Prophet (PBUH) could establish the Islamic state in that city, the revelation of the civil rules of Islam definitely would not have been delayed either. This statement is in contrast with the perspective of some who suppose the Makki verses, contrary to the Madani verses, are not about objective realities. These verses are mostly about the afterlife, the hereafter, the creation, and the worship of Allah.

The purpose of the present study is to shed light on the theory of the congregation of the righteous that is the result of the effort of some contemporary thinkers in the exegesis of the political behavior of the infallible Imams, despite minor differences, as the representative of the strategy of Ahl-e Bayt in the upbringing of the righteous congregation as an ideal core for the political-social guidance of the Islamic community against deviations. In this regard, the main question of the study is that with respect to the fact that after the demise of the Prophet (PBUH), the Islamic community got into deviation in terms of leadership and fulfillment of religion, how we can reform this deviated path according to the behavior of Ahl-e

Seyed Jamal ed-Din Asad Abadi is one of the most influential contemporary reformists in the Muslim world. In answering the main question of the Islamic world in encounter with the west on how to enter the new age in addition to maintaining Islamic identity, his broad view in understanding the status of the Muslim world led him attempt to choose a third way between the dilemma of either modernity or tradition at issue for his contemporary thinkers. In this regard, the present study reviewed this subject using a descriptive-analytical method and the results indicated that the main creativity of Seyed Jamal was to distinguish between the concepts of “religion” and “tradition” on the one hand, and “culture” and technology” on the other hand. He attempted to remove the obstacle of traditionalism and Salafism from his way without being condemned to heresy (Bid’ah) and westernization. Moreover, he tried to sustain Islamic identity and religious authority and open a new third way between modernity and tradition for the Islamic societies to enter the new age.

The purpose of the present study is to review, evaluate, and assess political thinking from the perspective of Ghazali and Machiavelli in the realm of governance and politics. Therefore, the main question of the research investigates what are the features (commonalities and distinctions) of political thinking from the perspective of Ghazali and Machiavelli? To this aim, the elements and representations of their politics were comparatively reviewed using descriptive analysis and with reference to their views. The research relies on the hypothesis that the common point or similarity between the politics of Nicolo Machiavelli and Imam Mohammad Ghazali, in addition to their identical genre that is didactic literature, is attributed to their common approach in terms of their guidelines on controlling social problems, understanding of unpleasant social conditions and agreement over the necessity for a unique power center, and supporting the king in power to establish a central and powerful government. However, their salient distinction is related to their different approaches and tendencies to politics; it means that Machiavelli approaches politics more often based on realism. On the other hand, Ghazali approaches politics under the inspiration of religion, morality, and idealism. Moreover, the intellectual and political principles used by the politicians are immensely effective in the realm of governance as well as sustenance and implementation of power. In order to achieve the objectives of government and sustain power, it is essential to regard the political and social circumstances as well as time and place conditions and thereby select an appropriate method of governance.

No special political, social, and governmental approach or deployment has ever been expressed since the beginning of the school of Tafkik (distinguishment) by its founders so Hakimi is recognized in charge of explaining the different aspects of this school of thought. In this regard, the purpose of the present study is to investigate the place of politics and government in the school of Tafkik as mentioned in the works of Hakimi. Therefore, the main research question of the study aims to determine the foundations of the political and governmental ideology of Mohammad Reza Hakimi and his approach to the Islamic Revolution in Iran. The method of study is descriptive analysis and it relies on the hypothesis that the intellectual transformations of Hakimi can be interpreted within a “justice-centered” approach to the Islamic state and the profound impact of “function” on “theory” in his ideas. The results of the study show that the transformation of the political ideology of Mohammad Reza Hakimi before and after the establishment of the Islamic Republic of Iran has been from the guardianship of the Islamic jurist to Hey’ate-Nawwab in occultation and the Islamic state based on the guardianship of the Islamic jurist to the state of Masanekh.

The purpose of the present study is to address the ideas of Ayatollah Khamenei about humanitarian law. In this regard, the main question of the study explores the place of humanitarian law in the political idea of Ayatollah Khamenei with respect to different conflicts in the region and world. The method of study is descriptive analysis and it relies on the hypothesis that the humanitarian perspective in the ideology of Ayatollah Khamenei is universal and involves all humans regardless of their gender, ethnicity, religion, and nationality. The results of the study showed that humanitarianism as a branch of international law supports human dignity in order to decrease casualties and harms and alleviate human pains during conflicts. Reflection on the political ideas of Ayatollah Khamenei shows that his views under the influence of Islam pay attention to human rights as well as his dignity and value at all times and in all places. Therefore, according to his jurisprudential principles, attacking residential areas, schools, and hospitals, using weapons of mass destruction, inflicting harm to women and children and … are Haram and forbidden at all times and in all places. The humanitarian perspective of the supreme leader derived from the instructions of Islam and Shi’ite jurisprudence is different from and more developed than western and eastern countries’ perspective to human and his dignity. Some principles such as non-discrimination, limitation, and distinction that exist in the humanitarian law also exist in the ideas of Ayatollah Khamenei in even a more developed way, not influenced by the common humanitarian law but under the influence of Islamic ideology.

The purpose of the present study is to explain the relative concepts about spirituality in the statement of the second phase of revolution. In this research, relying on the statement of the second phase of revolution, the essence, foundations, realm, and dignity of spirituality, responsibilities of the government in this regard as well as the relative practical guidelines were reviewed using a descriptive-analytical method. The results indicate that the Islamic revolution of Iran due to its Islamic origin, having a mystic and spiritual leader in the center of power, and also the religious and spiritual concerns of the revolutionists, has an outstanding spiritual background. The supreme leader of the revolution has mentioned some guidelines about spirituality for the upcoming phase in his statement and thus paying attention to them is very necessary to maintain the revolution and improve its objectives. An accurate comprehension of the above guidelines depends on the analysis of true spirituality, awareness about the different aspects of spirituality, and their distinguishment from fallacious spirituality.

The purpose of the present study is to review the essentials of the model of religious democracy in state-building. This article follows the claim that failure in the fulfilment of a democratic Islamic state has been the most important deficiency of the Islamic system in the realization of political order based on religion. This research has been conducted using the methodology of “functionalism”, “documentary method”, and “process analysis” and the results showed that failure in the fulfillment of a democratic Islamic state is rooted in the deficiency of Islamic criteria in 3 elements of “experts and officials”, “systems and structures”, and “back up humanities”. The obtained results of the study can be applied to design an Islamic-Iranian model of development and to determine the priorities of statebuilding in the Islamic Republic of Iran.

The purpose of the present research is to analyze the “elements” and “case principles” of cultural development in the Islamic state from the theoretic perspective of Morteza Motahhari. In this research, first the "questions" and "arguments" at issue were collected, and then the relevant “answers” and “solutions” for each of them were designed and represented in the form of “paradoxical conceptual dualisms”. Afterwards, we had a reference to the works of Morteza Motahhari to determine his answers to the above questions. The results of the study showed that the contributing factors for cultural development in an Islamic government, in the approach of Motahhari, include: “the feasibility of Islamic culture”, “the legitimacy of Islamic culture”, “theism and belief in the afterlife”, “the comprehensiveness and universality of Islam” the originality and determination of culture”, and “the subservience and conformity of culture”.

The purpose of the present study is to recognize the guidelines of the Islamic state in cultural management from the perspective of the martyred professor Motahhari. The main question of the study is what is the main responsibility of the Islamic state for the cultural management in society. The method of study is descriptive analysis and it relies on the hypothesis that the Islamic state has a main role in the cultural management. The results of the study show that Shahid Motahhari with reference to the Islamic ideology proves that the Islamic state in the realm of cultural management applies two key guidelines. The religious state has two main responsibilities, one is to recognize its audience, and another is to pave the way for improving culture in society.

The purpose of the present study is the field assessment of the significant criteria in the substantiation of the model of new Islamic civilization in the academic society based on the ideas of Imam Khomeini. This research has a practical objective and using a field method it aims to assess the Iranian academic society in terms of new Islamic civilization relying on the ideas of Imam Khomeini. By the study the divine-political will of Imam Khomeini, 116 key sentences and consequently 92 basic and 4 organizing themes were extracted using thematic analysis. They were classified by the method of thematic analysis to present the model of new Islamic civilization based on the ideas of Imam Khomeini. The statistical population of the present research includes higher education and clerical students of grade 3 and 4 in the seminary schools of Tehran, Qom, and Mazandaran (due to convenient access to the) that were chosen by convenience sampling. The research relies on the hypothesis that there is a significant relationship between the criteria and variables of new Islamic civilization in academic society. The results showed that Iran has a suitable condition in terms of new Islamic civilization criteria. Islamic unity with the average of 4.54% has the most suitable condition among the criteria of new Islamic civilization, and Islamic authority with the average of 4.2917%, Islamic insight with average of 4.125%, and Islamic sovereignty and freedom with the average of 3.9583% are in the next levels respectively. Furthermore, the results of structural equations of the research convey that Islamic unity has as much as 92% relationship with new Islamic civilization. The results of structural model show that Islamic unity has the most effect on the formation of new Islamic civilization. Islamic authority with 89%, Islamic insight with 80%, and Islamic sovereignty and freedom with 68% are in the next levels respectively. With respect to the high relationship between all the criteria and new Islamic civilization, the smallest change in each of the criteria can influence the formation of new Islamic civilization.

The purpose of the present study is to address the impact of the Islamic Republic of Iran on the establishment and formation of the Shi’ite community in Nigeria. The method of study is descriptive analysis and the data were analyzed using the theory of structural functionalism. The findings of the study show that the Shi’ites in Nigeria under the influence of the Islamic Revolution could have accomplished to: 1. Substantiate morality emphasizing on and extending the revolutionary values and ideas of Imam Khomeini to their cultural system; 2. Conduct wisely by defining leading and organizing institutions in their political system and accordingly achieve social unity; 3. Attempt to substantiate solidarity and coherence in society through bringing unity among the Shi’ites to approach a Shi’ite independent community. However, the Shi’ites in Nigeria have not been so successful in their interaction with the government and other religious-denominational groups in their country that has led to the current crisis in that society.

The purpose of the present research is to study the feasibility of the survival of ISIS and Takfiri groups as well as their continuance in the future world. In this regard, the present study aims to analyze the likelihood of presence and role of recent Jihadi movements in the future world. The research study is conducted by Foucauldian discourse methodology, in a holistic method and with regard to Foucault’s theory of discourse. This article studied Jihadi groups specially their salient representative, that is to say ISIS, an identity-centered discourse from the perspective of postmodernism in the realm of international policy. This significant subject is analyzed as a subcategory of the important concept of postmodernism and international studies as an option to explain the presence and role of new entities in international relations. Therefore, the ideas of the outstanding postmodern scholars as well as the feasibility of their application in international diplomacy were discussed. The research relies on the hypothesis that the Jihadi groups will continue their effective presence in the form of scattered but coherent organizations and will have an impact in the regional order.