نشریه مطالعات راهبردی جهان اسلام
سال بیست و یکم شماره 4 (پیاپی 84، زمستان 1399)

After the Islamic Revolution of Iran and its ideal perspective on regional and global developments, a coalition was formed from the West with the Sunni countries of the Persian Gulf led by Saudi Arabia and most of the Arab states against Iran. Thus, the security environment in the Middle East became the center of gravity for the protection of Iran's national interests and security threats, and Iran was forced to regionalize its power within the framework of the resistance. This axis gained double authority with the coming to power of the Iraqi Shiite government and the victory of Syria over the ISIS forces led by the United States and its supporters. Iran's security performance was timely and vigilant. Supporting Shiite groups in Yemen and Bahrain and being active in Iraq and Syria can be seen as an effort to maintain and increase the strength of the resistance-oriented security complex and to ensure Iran's national security. Currently, the security of the Islamic Republic in Palestine, Lebanon, Syria, Iraq, Afghanistan, etc. is being seriously ensured.

The casualties of the 2020 Karabakh war between the Armenian armed forces and Azerbaijani have been high, officially hundreds and possibly thousands. However, it was noted that the parties ignore the number of casualties and exaggerate the casualties of the enemy. Military analysts believe that at present it is not possible to make an accurate assessment of the war casualties on both sides. According to Russian President Vladimir Putin, more than 4,000 people were killed, more than 2,000 on each side.
The total number of civilian casualties reported on both sides is at least 140. Civilian areas, including large cities, have been attacked; especially Ganja, Barda and Stepanakert, and many buildings and houses have been destroyed.
Russia sought security within the borders of the Soviet Union. The Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS) was established in the post-collapse years. With the secession of the Baltic republics from this initiative, Russia failed to achieve its goals of saving the security environment it needs in this part of the country. In the Caucasus, with the exception of Armenia, which has historically been an ally of the Russians, the other two republics, Azerbaijan and Georgia, were reluctant to join the alliance and faced Russian punishment. Karabakh was invaded and occupied by separatists in Azerbaijan, Ossetia and Abkhazia, who, with the support of remnants of the Soviet Red Army in the Caucasus and Russian conservatives in Moscow, were able to turn the Caucasus into a crisis zone.

Over the past hundred years, West Asia has seen two types of security organizations: trans-regional security organizations that have infiltrated the region, such as the Santo Pact, and intra-regional security organizations. The plan to expand NATO activities in this region dates back to the mid-1980s, and now Trump calling for more serious activity in West Asia. Given the complex situation in the region in terms of the concentration of crises between countries and the Arab countries' acceptance of this organization, it is possible to form a new security framework in the region that can change the equation of deterrence between Arab countries against Iran. This is especially important for Iran, where most of the collective and security arrangements in the region continue to be seen as a threat of Iran. What will be the consequences of the development of NATO activities in West Asia for Iran, and how will it affect its deterrence strategy? It seems that the presence of this security organization will increase the ground for confrontation within the region and increase the movements against Iran, because with the presence of NATO, Iran will face a cycle of trans-regional deterrence. While this country has a limited regime-building power compared to its rivals.

The Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI) party came to power in Pakistan in August 2018 and its leader Imran Khan was elected as Prime Minister of Pakistan. Political and administrative-financial corruption in the political structure of Pakistan, the dynastic and family structure of the two major Pakistani parties, the Bhutto-dominated People's Party and the Muslim Brotherhood-dominated Muslim League, progressive and popular slogans of the PTI, The widespread support of the youth and, ultimately, the covert support of army and Imran Khan's personal charisma were the main reasons for PTI's victory in Pakistan's parliamentary elections. The PTI came to power in Pakistan with the aim of establishing an Islamic welfare state and taking power, but the realization of these slogans and their implementation is very difficult and in some cases impossible.
Now, after half of Imran Khan's term as Prime Minister, Pakistan's major crises remain; The military still has a major and decisive power in Pakistan, economic problems remain unresolved and the debt crisis is still the country's most important economic crisis. Therefore, the present study intends to explain and examine the performance of PTI led by Imran Khan. This study seeks to answer the question of how the PTI government under the leadership of Imran Khan has performed. The study hypothesizes that Imran Khan's government, despite relative successes in some areas, such as supporting the more vulnerable, but Pakistan's major crises, such as the debt crisis and the employment crisis, remain unchanged.

Peace is an urgent need of the current political and social society of Afghanistan. This country, which has endured more than four decades of multiple internal crises and foreign aggression by the former Soviet Union and the United States, remains in a fragile security situation, political instability and escalating conflict. The US invasion of Afghanistan was carried out under the pretext of fighting terrorism and establishing peace and security; But for a variety of reasons, US action has not only led to the spread of violence and the re-emergence of the Taliban, Rather, direct US negotiations have given the Taliban legitimacy. The direct US negotiations with the Taliban and the signing of the Afghanistan Peace Agreement, known as the Doha Agreement, had an outcome, which is the holding of inter-Afghan talks. The talks were scheduled to begin after the release of Taliban and Afghan security forces prisoners. But the talks began six months late and stalled several times. The main purpose of this paper is to identify the challenges of inter-Afghan negotiations and the internal and external obstacles to lasting peace in Afghanistan. Whether the negotiations are on the right rail and if not, what are the obstacles that actually reverse the outcome of the inter-Afghan talks? Who are the influential domestic and foreign actors in these negotiations, and basically what obstacles have caused the negotiations to not make progress?

Syria, as one of the pillars of the resistance axis in recent decades, has always been the focus of regional and global powers. The political system of this country, which is in the hands of the Ba'ath party, uses the ideological foundations of nationalism and socialism. These intellectual foundations have no place in the thought of resistance that arises from religious thought. Thus, the discrepancy between the ideological foundations of the Syrian regime and its performance in regional relations has raised the question of what is the relationship between Arab nationalism in Syria and the thought of the resistance. There are similarities and differences between nationalist thinking in Syria and resistance thinking, and knowing them helps us to understand the future power relations in the Middle East. In this article, by document research method, while analyzing the nationalist thinking in Syria, its relationship with the resistance thinking is examined.

Islamic political thought considers government as a necessity to the extent that it prefers the oppressor government to the absence of government. At the same time, the government and the state are at the intersection of human interests and free will. Thus, throughout the history of religions, various discussions have been held by theorists in the field of religion about the shape, size, type, mission, philosophy and how of government. In all these cases, there has been explicitness about the necessity of the existence of the government and also about its "goodness", and therefore it can be said in general that theorists in the field of religion have looked at the government positively and welcomed it.
There has been a lot of debate among Islamic jurists and theologians about "who has the authority to govern" or about "what are the legitimate ways to reach a government from the perspective of Islam." These theories can be divided into two general categories, the category that considers the government as a sacred matter and according to the verse "إن الحکم لالا لله" it belongs to the Shari'a and the other category that considers the government as a matter of the people and a customary matter and in this regard, cites on the principle of human free will and autonomy.
In the contemporary period, the debate on religious government and its origin and scope intensified, and especially in the last four decades, when the Islamic Revolution emerged based on a religious orientation and formed the system of the Islamic Republic based on this attitude, this debate spread widely. Meanwhile, Imam Khomeini and Imam Khamenei, each from the late 1340s, separately discussed the issue of Velayat-e-Faqih as a model of Islamic government and during the following years also explained its dimensions. At the same time, the theory of Velayat-e-Faqih was presented in various forms among other thinkers, but in the end, all these theories are in opposition to the "secular state".