نشریه سیاست و روابط بین الملل
پیاپی 8 (پاییز و زمستان 1399)

Russia's policy towards the Persian Gulf region, especially since the beginning of the second millennium until now- while paying attention to some historical goals and also under the influence of internal developments and new regional and global mechanism- Includes new motivations. In this article, the authors seek to provide a convincing answer to this question: given Russia's multilateralism approach and its efforts to link geopolitical goals and geo-economics incentives in the Persian Gulf region what are the goals of Russia's new approach to the GCC countries? According to the hypothesis of this study, Russia's new approach to the GCC countries, after the developments in 2011 and according to the type of policies and differences of members, as well as developments in the Middle East and the Persian Gulf, in three groups "Saudi Arabia, UAE and Bahrain", "Kuwait and Oman" and "Qatar" are divided and the council is not seen as a united organization and bloc. This approach is based on multilateralism and is pursued in connection with geopolitical and geo-economics goals. In contrast, the GCC countries have expanded political, economic, scientific and military ties with Russia in order to maximize their interests, as well as to diversify their relations with the United States and the West.

The issue of state sovereignty in the context of developments in international relations has always been one of the main topics discussed by international relations thinkers. After the end of the Cold War and the objectification of globalization, the conceptual and theoretical realm of international relations has shifted to semantics and the field of cultural policy. In the new space, the necessary grounds have been provided for the emergence of various political actors, and the sovereignty of states in international relations has become problematic with the inspiration of the new cycle. Diaspora is one of the categories that have been introduced in the new space as transnational actors and has found an important place in the field of international politics and foreign policy of governments. The article is looking to examine the impact of diaspora actors on the sovereignty of governments. Therefore, with the method of content analysis based on the library technique to answer the question of how in the new cycle of international relations of diaspora actors, it has affected the deconstruction of the sovereignty of the national government? In response, it is assumed that in contemporary international relations, the diaspora has redrawn the sovereignty of the nation-state on the issue of borders, identity, violence, and state-oriented action. The findings show that the sovereignty of the national government in the beam of the policy and practice of the diaspora in the above four categories, in different ways is passing and redrawing itself with new procedures.

As a part of political life and illuminating broker, public opinion is a necessary evil in foreign policy. While the traditional approach considers confidentiality as the main element of foreign policy, regarding mass media as a detached intellect of public opinion and idealistic interpretation about foreign policy, repudiate the independent political life of public opinion, the new approach emphasizes the influence of public opinion on foreign policy by criticizing the traditional approach and accents on the reduction of the informative monopoly of policymakers due to globalization and the cognitive revolution. The importance of public opinion in the modern approach is such that the inconsistency between public opinion and foreign policymakers will decrease rational decision making. In other words, the availability of foreign policy has turned the new millennium into a citizenship’s century. Accordingly, analyzing the relationship between public opinion and foreign policy is the main question of this paper. Despite the interpretations of the researchers of international relations that consider public opinion as unattractive and inactive forces, the main hypothesis of this paper regards public opinion rational actor who affects the foreign policy according to the environment and the subject of the decision. This paper will test the hypothesis by using the pluralistic sociology approach and cognitive priority.

The present article seeks to answer the fundamental question of what is the place of the tools of public diplomacy and soft power in formulating the strategy of Iran and Turkey towards Syria and its developments? The hypothesis to answer this question is that Iran has always maintained the tools of public diplomacy based on soft power in its strategy towards Syria; But from 1999 to 2011, Turkey maintained its soft diplomacy based on soft power towards Syria, but with the beginning of the Syrian developments, Syria's strategy gradually turned to a hard power strategy. Because Turkey, according to the doctrine of Ottomanism, sought to expand its strategic depth in the region, and the developments in Syria encouraged Turkey to achieve this goal by establishing the Muslim Brotherhood in Syria and expanding the Brotherhood axis. Therefore, Turkey faced the Assad government in the developments in Syria, and it was natural that the foreign policy strategy of this country would change from soft power to hard power. But Iran seeks to maintain its position in the region and Syria, so it has always expressed its support for the Syrian government and people, and public diplomacy has continued in Iran's strategy towards Syria. Therefore, the developments in Syria have also had a negative impact on Iran-Turkey relations. In this article, the descriptive-analytical method is used to collect data from library and documentary sources and in order to refine and systematize the research findings, the concept of public diplomacy is used.

Today, the countries of the world are trying to take advantage of geopolitical factors to adopt appropriate strategies in with their national interests. The Persian Gulf region and its surrounding countries is one of the most sensitive and strategic regions in the world, which is of great importance due to its communication, geo-economic, geopolitical and geostrategic values. Thic article aims to explain the geopolitical economic factors affecting the defense strategies of the Iran in the Persian Gulf and tries to answer the main question "What are the geopolitical economic factors affecting the defense strategies of the Iran in the Persian Gulf?. The type of research, development and method of collecting information required by libraries, documents and field is and by using descriptive-analytical and case-based methods, an attempt has been made to identify these economic factors and to approve them. And determine their factors (in the form of opportunities, opportunities, threats, strengths and weaknesses). In this regard, the relevant questionnaires were distributed statistical population of 40 people in full and using descriptive and inferential statistical analysis methods and SPSS to summarize the research answers. Finally, 26 factors were extracted: "Existence of suitable oil and gas reserves in Iran", "Existence of appropriate oil and gas reserves in the countries of the Persian Gulf region" and "Iran's economic situation due to economic pressure from the United States and other countries in the region were ranked as the most important economic geopolitical factors affecting the defense strategies of the Iran in the Persian Gulf.

The Kuwait-19 global pandemic enabled the various dimensions of this global crisis to be explored and evaluated. One of the most important issues for our country is the policy-making of international institutions in the face of Iran in the time and context of global crises. Influenced by global power blocs and hegemony, global institutions are replacing their policy-making approach with a policy-making approach.The authors try to start the cause of these crises from the critique of late capitalism and the harms and challenges arising from it, using the framework of neo-modernism. Then, by emphasizing the role of international institutions in global politics, answer the question: what is the relationship between these institutions and the late capitalist system and its representatives? Then answer the main question of the article, what is the reason for the contradictory behaviors of these institutions and non-governmental actors towards Iran, which is affected by the Corona epidemic, by the method of transcendental theoretical literature of neo-settlers in international political economy. The hypothesis of this research is that the simplistic understanding of the international system does not thoroughly explore the mechanism of international cooperation, and therefore the hegemon has sought a biased formulation of global policy with a hierarchical structure.

American Enterprise Institute (AEI) is a think tank that has a leading role in shaping US republicans’ foreign policy. The current study applies a descriptive-analytic method and the Game Theory to indicate the role of AEI in shaping US foreign policy against Iran. This study follows a descriptive-analytic method to content-analyze AEI’s published reports on Iran. The present study also adopts a statistical approach to calculate the weight and share of Iran related reports that are published at this think tank. The results indicate that AEI’s policy against Iran, including the six categories of Middle East, Intelligence, Defense, Terrorism, Latin America and Critical Threats’ Center has a significant effect in shaping Trump administration’s Iran foreign policy. According to the statistical data, about 85 percent of AEI’s reports on Iran, concentrate on Middle East and Terrorism, highlighting the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps’ (IRGC) threats, General Ghasem Suleimani's assassination and the development of US withdrawal from JCPOA. Finally, the application of Game Theory and analysis of this think tank's strategies toward the withdrawal of US from JCPOA indicates that other choices of US against Iran will reduce the efficiency of desired Iran diplomacy. Therefore, US withdrawal from JCPOA will result in a Nash Equilibrium between the two countries and they won't be reluctant to get out of this equilibrium state.

Given the threat posed to the international community by the outbreak of the coronavirus, the approach of some countries and how they have dealt with this global crisis is remarkable. In particular, the role of national interests and perhaps their global goals in their smart policies in such critical situations is not negligible. During this crisis, the study of Russia is a good case study. Although Russia like other countries, is affected by the consequences of this global crisis, but because Russia has focused primarily on reviving its global image through public diplomacy, its role in countering the coronavirus is also different from that of most of the countries involved. main question in the present study is that what effect the corona epidemic has had on Russia's foreign policy towards countries receiving aid. Although some believe that Russia's foreign policy has not been very successful in dealing with this crisis and has been more in line with its goals by using smart power, but the present study shows that these contradictory but intelligent actions of Russia relying on soft power and in order to attract the public mind towards the desired understanding of Russia as a powerful and influential country around the world. results show that Russia's financial and health assistance to other countries in the fight against Corona, as well as the production of vaccines has increased Russia's soft power and its international face emerged and gained a regional and global prestige. research method in this research is descriptive-analytical.

With the coming to power of Donald Trump as President of the United States, the Afghanistan crisis, which has overshadowed Washington's foreign policy since 2001, entered a new phase. The noteworthy point at this stage is the official acceptance of the Taliban as a political and field reality in the field of power in Afghanistan, which has put the United States in the orbit of a peace approach with the Taliban and subsequently ending the war in Afghanistan. The main purpose of this article is to examine US foreign policy in peace with the Taliban. Based on this, using descriptive-analytical method and library resources, it raises the main question of how Trump's foreign policy in peace with the Taliban is explained and what are the most important factors influencing it? The findings show that Trump used a neo-separatist approach in concluding a peace agreement with the Taliban, which is a selective internationalism that offers a utilitarian foreign policy. In this context, the United States during the Trump era tried to be present in Afghanistan at the lowest possible cost and manage the crisis in this country. The most important factors influencing the peace between the United States and the Taliban can be examined in two levels: changes in US policies and the field situation and policies of the Afghan government.

Since elleven septamber, NATO has been one of the most important intervening actors in the region and has played a decisive role in its security structure. Therefore, the expansion of NATO territory in the Middle East is through the admission of new members within the framework of US security goals and the desired security order in the Middle East. This situation can create different scenarios in the security field of the geography around Iran, which will certainly be a threat and threat to the presence of NATO for the Islamic Republic of Iran. The question is, what effect does NATO's military strategy in the Middle East have on the security of the Islamic Republic of Iran? It seems that NATO's presence in the Middle East is to fill the power vacuum in the region, and NATO's long-term presence around the borders of the Islamic Republic of Iran reduces the national security of the Islamic Republic of Iran in the Middle East. The above research is of analytical-fundamental type, with a descriptive-analytical approach and a qualitative-interpretive method. The method of collecting research data has also been done through library studies. The purpose of this study is to investigate the impact of NATO presence on the security approach of the Islamic Republic after elleven septamber.

One of the most neglected streams in International Relations discipline is to evaluate of political systems structures and their institutional categories. Structure of political systems is very important because of its role in understand of countries behavioral patterns. Since the discussions about china rise in international system is declared, most researches and endeavors to description and explanation of the event and china future are concentrated on impacts of international system structure and the state relations with regional and global sphere. Since the discussions about china rise in international system is declared, most researches and endeavors to description and explanation of the event and china future are concentrated on impacts of international system structure and the state relations with regional and global sphere. This article with rely on descriptive-explanative method and refer to role of political system and institutional developments in peoples Republics of China is seek to evaluation of trend that their changes demonstrates how china internal and international behavior are transformed in last decades? The results of the article shows decision-making institutional dynamics in china has produced some indicators that influenced china both internal and external behavioral patterns and have approximated it to pragmatism. This indicators are included: preference of expertism in compare to obligation, the party and its power priority, decrease of The military power and influence, and in contrast, promotion of technocrats role and importance of efficacy as legitimacy of political system.

In the paleontology of the theory or school of realism, ،thomas Hobbes, Machiavelli, or in classical texts, the Indian Catilia, the Sean Dezoo school in China, and in Islamic thought, Ibn Muqaffa are generally cited. 1930 and 1940 followed the outbreak of the two great world wars. At a time when, following the failure of idealistic ideas to prevent wars and conflicts, the need for academic circles to have a new and fact-based perspective was felt. Correct realistic interpretations of Thomas Hobbes by rereading numerous works by Thomas Hobbes. This means that Hobbes is not as close to a realistic understanding of international relations as is often thought. Given Hobbes 'conception of man and the natural state, the formation of Leviathan, and the law of nature, it can be argued that Hobbes' understanding of international relations is not always conflicting and that there is a possibility of regulating conflicting interests, an interpretation that leads to unity and cooperation. In international relations. The idea of ​​this paper is that the result of Hobbes's writings is that Hobbes is not only a realist, but also a rationalist. The method of this writing is based on documentary and library methods and text analysis.