سیاستنامه مفید
سال سوم شماره 1 (پیاپی 4، بهار و تابستان 1397)

This article addresses the question of what are the dimensions of peace in Imam Khomeini's thought and action? The present study claims that although violence can be reported in the opinion and action of Imam Khomeini, but on his point of view what is the original, is "peace" and the war and the violence have a secondary aspect.
The method of data collection is documentary and, of course, in some cases, cyberspace data is used to supplement resources. The theoretical model of the article, inspired by a part of Hegel's philosophical system, is designed in such a way that all Imam Khomeini's discussions and positions on peace can be reduced to two main parts: "individual aspect" and "collective aspect". But the collective one can be divided into three levels: Imam Khomeini and peace in the family, peace in civil institutions, and peace in political society.
One of the achievements of the research is that Imam Khomeini's biography in the field of peace does not end the same as persons like Gandhi, which was based on the theory of non-violence, nor do they have a Taliban or ISIS narrative of Islam. But also, there is definitely violence in Imam Khomeini's thoughts and positions (especially in the last decade of his life and during his leadership of the Islamic Republic), but in general, from a theoretical and practical point of view in the various dimensions mentioned in Imam Khomeini's approach and orientations, "Peace" is the original and "war" and "violence" have a parasitic aspect. Accordingly, some doubts and ambiguities in the thoughts and positions of Imam Khomeini have been raised and answered in the study.

Using Quentin Skinner’s methodology, this research tries to reunderstand the explicit and implicit aspects of the Naeini’s political thought by putting it within its Ideological and practical contexts. According to the findings of this research Ideological context of the Naeini has been made up of the writings of the jurisprudents on the state issue on the one hand, and the new ideologies concerning the constitutionalism on the other hand. By using of this capacity, Naeini has reacted to political external evolutions of his era that among them the despotism and constitutionalism were the two most important. Denying all kinds of despotism in Islam, he believe on constitutionalism with the presence of the jurisprudents in it. All the remained writings belong to him show that he was not believe on popular political right for jurisprudents in the occultation era of twelfth Imam, but he tried to develop the jurisprudential concept of Hisbah to solve the modern issues. Accordingly, he believed on the political role of the Shia jurisprudents as supervisors not political rulers.

The interaction of the clergies and power, and their participation in the various branches of government are among the issues that have raised many questions in terms of jurisprudence and history. Questions such as if the clergies are allowed to be in power and in charge of politics? And if they are allowed to, what are the restrictions? This is an important question for which there are different views. Some think that the presence of a qualified Faqih[1] at the head of a religious government is a reason for the presence of other clerics in power; However, in the Guardianship of the Islamic Jurist theory, there is no mention of this and Khomeini in his theory has not clarified the duties of other clerics in the branches of the government. This task was gradually clarified with the establishment of a religious government in Iran, and Khomeini imposed borders and restrictions on their entry into government. This article tries to analyze the basic principle of Khomeini's thought and the conditions for deviating from it regarding the entry of clerics into power as an empirical and historical model.

The Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant group that occupied parts of Iraq and Syria has and the name of the Islamic state or Islamic Caliphate has chosen for himself. The Salafi-Wahhabi stream of t hought is indebted to the ideas that are present for centuries in Islamic society.
This article attention to the point, is composed of the following elements: The history of the formation of the group and then to the foundations of thought and expression of political thought from the perspective of the Wahhabi mentality Slfy- And their specific views on Islam and Islamic caliphate in the journal "Dabiq" For a better understanding of thought and action in their description of "semiotics" are participating and its behavior with the help of semiotics analyzed we have and in general to the conclusion that the cause of this state, restoring state and religious thought is Amvyyan and Abbasids.

Among the reflections that have been made about Iran's backwardness towards the West, Javad Tabatabai's theory of Decline, according to proponents and opponents, has a remarkable place, for this reason it has attracted many criticisms; But so far, from the point of view of the science of "logic", no attention has been paid to Tabatabai's system of thought. The question of the present study is based on the logical adaptation of the theory of Decline. To find the answer, the imaginary foundations and the affirmative foundations of the theory of Decline are separated, and it is examined whether the result of the combination of the two is consistent or not. The research findings indicate the existence of a logical inconsistency of Seyed Javad Tabatabai's theory of Decline.

In this study, the statements and propaganda of the candidates of the tenth election of the Islamic Consultative Assembly of Iran have been examined by discourse analysis. Discourse analysis in this study showed that a kind of change has taken place in the discourse of moderation and reform, and this discourse, as in the previous period, helped to re-establish this discourse in the Iranian political arena by using the validity and access of discourse. The semantic system of the discourse of moderation and reform, by expressing concepts such as Barjam, women's rights, the positive performance of the sixth parliament, freedom, legalism, and economic prosperity, has followed the path of the 1992 elections and is opposed to the discourse of fundamentalism. This discourse was able to create populism in absorbing and using the elements of discourse, and by deconstructing the previous discourse and having the power of discourse, it was able to provide the monic dominance of this discourse. The discourse of fundamentalism in this period has been alienated from the discourse of moderation, reform and rationality. The coalition of fundamentalists in this period is one of the elements of the progress of the discourse of fundamentalism compared to the previous elections. Attention to the concepts of the Islamic Revolution discourse, livelihood, progress, security, resistance economy has been drawn alongside the sign of the province.