فصلنامه پژوهش های راهبردی سیاست
پیاپی 36 (بهار 1400)

After the Fall of shah’s regime, the very first measurement of the political leaders under the new political regime was realization of the ideological norms in the daily life. The Success of this shift depended on people’s reactions; In other words, it needed legitimacy. Accordingly, the present article aimed to investigate about this question: what influence have had the transformations of everyday life on the paradigm of Political legitimacy during the first two decades of the Revolution? For answering the mentioned question, we used the mix qualitative method that did not need any hypothesis. The finding reveled that daily life of the people came through three levels: pluralism, unification, and confrontation between ordinary phenomena and official politics. That means, three situations could be observed: the diversity of the active forces in the revolutionary political government, the unity of the political forces and ideological adversary, and ultimately the endeavor of the marginalized forces to return to the political activity. In conclusion, daily life which was a dynamic to the victory of the revolution have altered to a place for formation of the fundamental conflicts between the current political order and the people.

Public policy requires collective action and, consequently, depends on the path. This issue has been less considered in policy-making, and we need to pay attention to and analyze its negative effects in this field, But how does path dependence cause these kinds of adverse effects? Route dependence on locking and subjugation now in the past prevents policies from changing due to changing circumstances and the passage of time. The present article, by searching in various books and articles, examines the negative consequences and examples of path-related processes as an important and effective obstacle in policy-making and shows how and in what context this factor will have an effect; how and by what mechanism it intervenes in decision-making and non-decision-making. Also by giving examples of the negative effects of this factor in economic and political contexts over time; Its destructive effects have been mentioned. Since the dependence on the path in economics and transiently in management has been dealt with, so this has been the stimulus for the regulation of the forthcoming writing, to draw attention to the above factor in policy.

This paper tries to investigate the feeling of deprivation and justice and its evolution process in Azerbaijan with using the secondary analysis method and based on the data of the surveys of Iranians' values and attitudes on 2000 and 2015. Feeling of justice in this paper analyzed in three demission: "Feeling of social justice", "judicial justice" and "ethnic justice". The results show that the feeling of justice -in all of the examined indicators- is moderate or higher than it. Based on the results of this research attitudes towards "the violation of individuals' rights if they haven't money and nepotism" and "professionals, experts and ordinary individuals not being appointed to the higher positions" from social justice indicators and also the attitude toward "implementing the same law on both officials and people" from judicial justice indicators have been improved but attitudes towards "enforcing the rights through legitimate ways" and "ethnic justice" have been diminished. The observed differences in the investigated variables are statistically significant except for the attitude towards "enforcing the rights through legitimate" means.

The main question of this research is, what is the relationship between trust to cyber social networks and social trust factors and institutional trust among students? The main hypothesis is that trust on social networks (facebook, twitter and etc) has meaningful impact on factors of social trust (family and religious & national identity) and institutional trust in two levels of government and civil institutions. The overall finding of this study shows that in the form of structural equations, 38% of the dependent variable,means institutional trust, was determined by independent variables, means trust in the social network and the mediating variables of social factors (family, national identity, and religious identity).Trust in social networks has a 26% negative effect on social factors of trust specially national identity, and this decrease in social trust also reduces institutional trust specially in governmental- sovereignty level. Among the components of social factors, national identity has the most negative impact on social networks with 23%; among institutional components, trust in political institutions indirectly has the highest negative impact on 14% of social networks, ultimately the main hypothesis of this research is proved.

The Internet, as a public sphere, has created profound transformations in the forms of political participation that political scientists refer to as the emergence of post-modernist forms of Political participation. Many of the problems of modern societies are characterized by wicked issues, among which the political and social implications of social networks are the complex issues in the context of modern societies. Now, what is the effect of virtual networks as a wicked issue on the political sphere of Iran? Because in order to deal with wicked issues, the adoption of traditional approaches will fail, so other strategies will have to be adopted to deal with such problems. This article examines the multifaceted effects of social networks in the political atmosphere of Iran and shows the framework in which the management of government and official institutions of Iran should be. Decisions based on participation and striving for a deep understanding of technology can provide a positive environment for the emergence of new capabilities of Iranian society.

The end of the Cold War led to development of new cooperation among the states. International regimes are one of the types of cooperation. The presence of emerging powers in the region such as China and India as well as countries like Afghanistan and Iran with the common historical past, cultural values and economic cohesion, provide an appropriate ground for the development of an international regime in the region. The strategic port of Chabahar could be the hub of this regime. In this regard, this piece of research work is an attempt to address the main question as to what capacities does Chabahar have to become an international regime and how do the common elements of cooperation in West Asia facilitate the development of this regime? The hypothesis to answer the question is based on the fact that Chabahar due to its geo-economic and geostrategic location could become an international economic regime and the historical relations as well as common values among the countries of the region facilitate the development of this regime. This research is done through explanatory-analytical method by using secondary data including articles and books and internet sites.

The purpose of this study is to understand the internal logic and semantic structure of Hassan Rouhani's speech at the UN General Assembly in 2018. The question is, influenced by the changing context of Iran's foreign policy following the unilateral withdrawal of the USA from JCPOA, in this speech, what political goals, how and in what framework, behind what speech acts and under what semantic structure is expressed. With a practical understanding of Fairclough's method, the text is described in vocabulary order, then its strategies are interpreted, and finally its conceptual, value, and directive structures are extracted. The results show that the text is based on the perception that the world of international politics is a civil society in which international law and organizations are the most original values and key institutions, so to protect of the IRI as a committed member, decisive and united confrontation to USA as the outlaw member with other members is necessary. In accordance with the Context, the semantic structure of the text can be explained in order to direct the great powers against USA unilateralism around the JCPOA axis and with the aim of taking advantage of the capacities available in this directive action.

This paper is shaped based on the question about the fall of Egypt and probable answers in the contemporary Egypt. (Question) With the fall of Cairo by Napoleon, this very question was raised amongst the Egyptian elites and three answers as westernism, nationalism, Islamic fundamentalism were mentioned. this research propose is that due to the incapability of these three ways to solve the issues like incompetency and lack of identity, the fourth answer as political Islam flourished which sought to eradicate above-written problems by presenting a new model.  (Proposal) this model not only paid attention to the Islamic values, but also tried to put Islamic rationalism and modern rationalism into same direction. Therefore, Political Islam has been always involved with reviving Islamic identity as well as conforming it to global values. It should be noticed that one at times has been prioritized over the other, a process which is called transforming Islamic movement. This paper is to focus on the transformation of this movement under the two topics of “finding identity” and “adaptation” (Achievements).

As an ideological totalitarian state, on the way towards the utopic society, Islamic State in Iraq and Syria (ISIS) has attempted to cultivate people via totalitarian control over the human lives. However, through an unusual reading of the sacred text (Koran), ISIS has focused on a special version of education for kids and non-adults. Focusing on the ideological content of the educational texts and content Analysis of them, and based on the important conceptual frameworks introduced by Louis Althusser on the Ideological State Apparatus, the present study attempts to explore the ISIS textbooks, besides the emotional utilities they use in order to strengthen members’ loyalty to the Kaliph. Doing such exploration, our endeavor is concentrated on the different techniques ISIS applies to absorb and train non-adult members: 1. Desensitization to Violence, 2. Collective Identity Inculcation, 3. Positive Governance, 4. Loss/ Replacement of Positive Role Model (s) and 5. Trusted Adult Influencers.

Many researchers believe that, in the recent century, international law has grown and formed in order to achieve the goals of the great powers and in its shadow. In this way, the question is: Why and how great powers of the international system are determinative in the formation and expansion of international law. It seems that the great powers, due to their position in terms of their various capabilities, can be effective in the creation and expansion of international law in various ways, such as customizing and shaping international treaties. The purpose of this article is to investigate the role of major powers in the evolution of international law, especially space law. In any case, just as the great powers created classical international law which did not exist before, in the modern era, it is the position and capability of the great powers, especially in the field of technology, that has given these powers the opportunity to take the lead in these matters. So the present study claims great powers are shapers, stabilizers and advocates of legal rules. In this regard, we try to study the role of the great powers, especially the United States and Russia, based on a descriptive-analytical method and using historical data.