نشریه تحقیقات اسنادی انقلاب اسلامی
پیاپی 3 (بهار و تابستان 1399)

The Islamic Revolution, by creating a fundamental hiatus on the link between tyranny and colonialism, considered issues such as independence, freedom, relying on neither East nor West slogan, self-confidence, belief in internal capacities and forces, and denial of dependence on foreigners as the country's basic strategies in the post-revolutionary era. Ayatollah Khamenei refers to this strategy as the "strength of the internal construction of power." In this theory, the internal construction of power means empowerment based on internal capacities and capabilities in various political, cultural, social, economic, scientific and technological dimensions without "dependence" on external power. In other words, the strength of the internal construction of power is the ability of societies to deal with vulnerable challenges which its source is the internal authority and the strengthening of the internal construction of power in various fields. Accordingly, the main question of the present article is formulated as follows: Accordingly, the main question of the present article is formulated as follows: What are the historical and intellectual backgrounds of the genesisof the theory of internal construction of power and what is the relationship between this theory and political power? Apparently factors such as the historical situation in Iran (invasion of foreign countries and dependence on them), understanding the nature of international relations based on the system of domination, highlighting the Qur'anic texts that imply the concept of independence and internal authority, be factors which provide the necessary grounds to genesisthe theory of the internal construction of power. In addition, Ayatollah Khamenei emphasizes the entanglement of the theory of the strength of the internal construction of power and political power; So that, On one hand, Without considering the idea of the internal construction of power, the foundations of political power will be shaken, and on the other hand, without the political power derived from the discourse of the Islamic Revolution, this theory will not be able to be realized and given objectivity.

The genealogy of pre-revolutionary Iranian political culture implies the institutionalization of subordinate political culture and the acceptance of "top-down" political authority among the majority of society. With the institutionalization of the "model of religious democracy" in Iran,the concept of fire at will, according to the cultural, political and social situation of the country and influenced by the religious principle of "Enjoining to Good [Ma’ruf] and Forbidding from Evil [Munkar]" and also with the aim of better fulfillment of citizens' rights and responsibilities, was introduced by the Supreme Leader of the Revolution. Some dissident currents and groups, by abusing the title of 'fire at will' and regardless of its content and purposes, tried to confuse, by publishing their content, especially in cyberspace, the public opinion about it. Researchers in the present study try to answer the questions, using the descriptive-analytical method and referring to the works and statements of Ayatollah Khamenei: What are the characteristics and components of participatory culture and desirable social interactions in Ayatollah Khamenei's worldview, and his thought and action? Also, what is the relationship and position of the concept of fire at will in the rule of culture of responsibility and supervision of different sections of society? The findings of the study indicate that the Supreme Leader of the Revolution in the post-revolutionary period, proposed a strategy of fire at will in complementing the cultural, political, social and participatory tactics of citizens, especially the youth. Some characteristics of this tactic are as follows: spontaneous and perfect cultural work, flourishing of cultural capacity, building trust, strengthening the mutual relations between the government and the nation, correcting the shortcomings and bureaucratic disorders in the country.

Iran, which before the US invasion of Iraq in 2003 potentially considered Iraq as its geopolitical enemy, was doubled its concern for the possibility of emergence of a threatening government in Iraq after the US invasion; It should be noted that the presence of American troops also raised these concerns. However, the situation in Iraq after the occupation was such that Iran could play a major foreign actor in the country. After the occupation, a generation of rulers came to power in this country who established close relations with the Islamic Republic of Iran. These relations were influenced by the religious ideas of the leaders of the two countries, which caused these relations to be pursued on a large scale and completely different than before.With these interpretations, the main purpose of this article is to examine how these relations between Iran and Iraq were formed.Given what has been said, the main question of this article is how these relationships emerged and What were the influencing factors of the formation of such relationships? The hypothesis of this article is that religious and mental ideas have been effective in shaping these relations and converging between these countries. The present article tries to explain this issue with a descriptive-analytical method and using a constructivist approach.

The invasion of the Arab-Western coalition (centered on Saudi Arabia) has made the Yemeni scene one of the most complex crises in the West Asian region. The final outcome of the Yemeni crisis, while having a significant impact on shaping the security order in the future of the West Asian region, will also determine the country's position in the future equations of the region. The main feature of this crisis is the multiplicity of actors involved and the conflict of stakeholders' demands.With due attention to the strategic position of Yemen in regional and world politics and the possession of the Bab el-Mandeb Strait, each of the actors is trying to steer Yemen in the direction of its desired scenarios. In fact, each of the influential actors in Yemen, based on their interests and values, considers a favorable situation (scenario) for Yemen, while this scenario can be considered for the other actor an unfavorable and threatening scenario. The present study seeks to answer the questions: What are the main uncertainties of the Yemeni crisis? And with regards to the uncertainties of the Yemeni crisis, what scenarios can be imagined for the Yemen's position in the future equations of the West Asian region? To answer this question, the scenario building method and the critical uncertainty approach have been used.Havingidentified the uncertainties based on the opinions of experts, from their interaction, four scenarios, which are the isolation of Yemen in the regional equations, the alliance with the Eastern-Islamic Front (enhancing Yemen's position in the regional equations), the alliance with the Salafi-Western Front (weakened and trusteeshipYemen) and strong Yemen (independent of the intervention of regional and supra-regional actors) have been presented.

The issue of peace between the Zionist entity and the United Arab Emirates can be viewed from different angles and perspectives. From the point of view of Critical discourse analysis (CDA), part of the story takes place in language or discourse. Therefore, the study and analysis of "power in discourse" is necessary to understand it. Another part of the Adventure involves non-discourse reality, and to understand it we need to examine the dimensions and components of the "power behind discourse"; This study is done at the level of explanation or social practice. In this article, the components and dimensions of the power behind discourse of Zionist entity in advancing the "peace discourse" have been investigated. The findings show that in addition to Jewish lobbies and US foreign policy in the Middle East, the UAE's dependence on Israeli technology and products (part of which is the product of the US-Israel Irano-phobia project) has made Israeli state-owned companies as well as Israeli advanced companies, that are seemingly private, as one of the most important "powers behind discourse" of Zionist entity in advancing the peace discourse, so that in recent years, the UAE has signed a number of cooperation agreements with them in various fields such as military, cyber, espionage and intelligence, health, agriculture, water and food security.

The years 2011 onwards should be considered as complex and important years for Iran's foreign policy in the Middle East; It is the time when the world order has undergone major transformations and the Middle East region, as a subsystem, has been affected by the global situation and processes that can be called the "chaos" situation. Hence, the Middle East, which had been in crisis and disorder for years, be headed for a security turmoil and instability. The components and signs of the security turmoil in the Middle East can be considered as chronic crises, cycles of security crisis, crisis interference, security ambiguity, the spread of extremism and terrorism, and the emergence of fragile states. In this context, the pattern of regional behavior of Iran will be of great importance for maintaining and pursuing national interests as well as dealing with regional crises and conflicts. This study will answer the main question: What are the characteristics, components and strategies of Iran's foreign policy during the Middle East security turmoil? The main hypothesis is that in a situation of turmoil and in a situation where security threats and ambiguities have increased, the Islamic Republic of Iran manages such a process through a strong government and strategic, communication-diplomatic mechanisms. First of all, this study tries to use a descriptive-analytical method to examine the components of the security turmoil and then to explain Iran's foreign policy strategies and political-security tools during the Middle East security turmoil.

The main question of this study is: Why is the economic performance of some dictatorships such as Middle East monarchies, better than that of some democracies such as Latin American republics? In this paper, by adopting a descriptive-analytical approach and using historical observations, it has been argued that economic institutions historically influenced by political institutions. Political institutions form the two key components of any political regime, including power transition and power distribution. In this paper, based on historical observations, we show that the concentration of power on the Shah in Pahlavi Iran has led to rentseeking policies. The high concentration of the Shah's power prevented any political competition over efficiency and accountability, and had expanded his interference in the economic and political issues, such as military purchases, bank licensing, and ownership of large economic and industrial enterprises. Therefore, the property rights of economic activists independent of the Shah's power were not legally protected by economic institutions, and the protection or violation of property rights was exercised arbitrarily by the Shah. In contrast, the distribution of power among the ruling group in dictatorships such as Oman, Qatar and other family monarchies in Middle East led to the formation of efficient economic institutions. Because the king's power to deprive other members’ property is limited, and they are able to set up private enterprises to gain benefits. Finally, statistical analysis confirms the results obtained from historical observations and indicate that distribution of power has major role on the formation of economic institutions.