فصلنامه سازمان های بین المللی
سال چهارم شماره 3 (پیاپی 12، پاییز 1400)

The Financial Action Task Force (FATF) was initially established to combat money laundering, and later objectives such as combating transnational organized crime, countering the financing of terrorism, and the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction were added to its mission. The activities of FATF are based on the 40 main recommendations of this institution, the interpretive texts of which are also attached to these recommendations. The basis for the legitimacy of the FATF recommendations is some UN conventions and resolutions. This institution gained more power, especially after the 9/11 terrorist attacks, to the point where it is considered one of the most important international regimes in the field of financial and banking standards. The main issue in this regard is the position of the FATF in the global economic system, international politics and also its behavior pattern towards Iran. In response to this question, it has been hypothesized that the FATF is part of the international banking and financial regime, which, by referring to international conventions and UN resolutions, has increased its international legitimacy and sought to It has expanded its supranational authority and influence in the fields of global economics and international politics. To address this question, we first examine the important international instruments in the field of combating money laundering that led to the formation of the FATF. Following is a trend study of the historical development of the FATF to use the descriptive-analytical method to examine the position of the Financial Action Task Force in the global economy and international politics. Finally, a comprehensive analysis of the FATF's exposure to Iran over the past two decades is presented.

The consequences of the accession and non-accession of the developing countries to the World Trade Organization have been stated in many articles, which point to the inefficiency of this organization and the political and economic power of developed countries and their influence on the decisions of this organization. Research Assuming that the process of globalization and increasing membership of countries in the World Trade Organization is upward, we consider the membership of many of them in this organization to be inevitable; However, since some of the goals of this organization are the same as the economic goals of developing countries, it is possible to use effective and timely policies to interact effectively and achieve goals such as the efficient and equitable exploitation of nature. New benefits and opportunities for all were eradicated, eradicating poverty, corruption and discrimination in the country, and maintaining economic independence. For this reason, there is a need to review and adapt this organization to the economic foundations of these countries. The research question is what are the benefits and costs of membership in this organization for developing countries? what steps should they take to maximize opportunities and minimize membership costs? According to the descriptive-analytical approach and based on some theoretical assumptions of international economics and understanding the atmosphere of this organization, we will reach the hypothesis that this organization, considering the influence of developed countries in establishing fair and effective trade relations, It is inefficient, but with some flexible policies and regulations, costs can be minimized.

Regional integration or convergence and cooperation, is one of the main topic of international discourse. Meanwhile, the progress of scientific research in Central Asia in this respect is not sufficient. In this article, an attempt into scientific understanding of the processes taking place in Central Asia and, more broadly, Eurasia; an attempt to comprehend how do they correlate with the real course of regional integration are represented. The analysis of the gradual development of the post-Soviet area leads to the results that have ambiguous definitions. The questions are whether the integration phenomena that are still transforming and ot finalized yet can be defined as real integration? or whether or not Central Asia can be referred to as a true geopolitical region? The hypothesis is that the ideas of integration among Central Asian countries have not been successful due to the confusion of States and internal problems, and the integration ideas presented by trans-regional actors do not have a clear vision. Along with this, it is appropriate to to draw parallels and determine correlation bonds between the mechanisms and the institutes of the functioning regional association. of the integration type (the EAEU) with the Eurasian idea projects proposed by the the post-Soviet area countries. In this article, try to analyse in a bundle the selected issues of the political idea (projects) regarding regional integration and its prospects.

When Vladimir Putin became Russia's president for third time, Russia began to increase its cooperation with Asia-Pacific regional organizations, including the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) and the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation Organization (ASEC). Although this was not a new initiative and had been pursued in the post-Soviet years in the form of Primakov's idea of a multipolar system, what was new was that Russia's focus shifted from Western organizations to Eastern multilateral institutions. Accordingly, the main question of this research is what is Russia's goal in cooperating with multilateral institutions Asia-Pacific. The results of this study show that while it is important to reap the economic benefits of these institutions due to their influence on the regional and global economy, Russia's cooperation with these organizations should be seen in the context of a larger worldview, suggesting that Russia's interaction with multilateral institutions Asia-Pacific is influenced by its long-standing foreign policy perspective calling for a change (from a U.S.-dominated unipolar to a multipolar order) in the international system.

One of the relevant topics in the field of science, technology and innovation policy is international S&T cooperation. This study proposes a framework for ranking these institutions focusing on a clear example of international S&T cooperation; cooperation in the context of multilateral international institutions, in order to decide on the membership and better utilization of their capacities. Seeing deficit in the history of the assessment of countries’ performance in these institutions, the research has suggested a function-oriented framework based on nine functions to rank these institutions. These functions are as follows: form and support of interaction, communication and networking at the level of individuals, organizations and governments; legitimacy and proper visualization in regional or international level; making regulation and international standards in the field of science and technology; production, processing and distribution of information; monitoring and enforcing international regulations; allocation and sharing of resources; cooperation and joint action; arbitration and resolving international challenges; training, empowerment and capacity building. Then, using the proposed framework, forty-six international active institutions in the field of S&T policymaking were ranked in six categories. The result shows that the Islamic Republic of Iran almost poses the membership of those institutions placed second to fourth categories. Finally, some recommendations about the revision of the Islamic Republic of Iran's membership in these institutions as well as the efficient use of their capacity have been proposed.

Although the People's Republic of China and the European Union have deep differences on issues such as the position of the state in the Chinese economy and human rights, it must be acknowledged that in recent years the two sides have enjoyed the most dynamic and complementary economies. They have engaged in global integration, bringing to the fore significant strategic cooperation. It is worth noting that the cooperation between FEMA, which has been more than any other factor in trade and direct economic investment, in turn has led to a large impact on the type of US-EU relations between Beijing and the EU. The question posed by the author of the leading research with a descriptiveanalytical approach and based on the theoretical assumptions of liberal institutionalism seeks to answer why it is arranged in such a way that the visible and hidden effects of expanding economic and trade relations between China and the EU on How is the relationship between the United States and the European Union assessed? The hypothesis raised by the above question suggests that, on the one hand, the emphasis on a multilateral system based on international law has led to a common commitment between Chinese and European officials, and that, on the other hand, President Trump has chosen a strategy. Protectionism and withdrawal from trade agreements have emphasized that Europe's relations with Washington have largely cooled. The result of the transformation that has taken place is that the strengthening of Sino-EU relations has weakened EU-US relations.