نشریه مطالعات بین المللی
سال هفدهم شماره 4 (پیاپی 68، بهار 1400)

According to official UN statistics, most resolutions and reports of human rights violations have been prepared and published regarding North Korea. The contents of most of these reports clearly indicate widespread and gross violations of human rights in all aspects of the country. The main purpose of this article is to investigate and measure the effectiveness of human rights reports in modifying the behavior of the Kim dynasty in compliance with global human rights standards. With a descriptive-analytical approach, while reviewing the major published reports and answering the question: what effect has the UN bodies reports had in reducing human rights violations in North Korea? Analysis and pathology of the behavior of North Korean officials dealing with reports and their effectiveness in restoring human rights has been addressed. The results show that despite the issuance of numerous resolutions and reports by UN human rights bodies, the country continues to commit gross human rights violations. The most important factors in such an approach by the country's leaders are totalitarian rule in country, international support by the Chinese and Russian states, and producing nuclear weapons and mass killings. So, such factors have made human rights reporting mechanisms ineffective in stopping human rights abuses in the country.

The Yemeni crisis, as one of the most important challenges in Western Asia, has involved many countries. Given the importance of the Yemeni state and its crisis, many countries in the region and beyond are seeking to influence it for their own benefit. One of these countries is France. The importance of shipping from the Gulf of Aden to the Mediterranean for France has made the European country not indifferent to the war in Yemen and to sell a huge amount of military weapons to Saudi Arabia and the UAE. Some experts believe that France continues to pursue its strategy of selling military weapons to Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates in its foreign and defense policy aimed at destroying Ansarullah. The present study, written as a foresight and scriptwriting technique with documentary sources, seeks to answer the question of what is the strategy of French foreign and defense policy towards the Yemeni crisis in future and how this strategy will affect the national security of the Islamic Republic of Iran? The result of this research includes three scenarios. The first scenario is the continuation of the war with the aim of gaining European independence from the United States, which has adverse consequences for Iran in international and domestic arenas. The second scenario is an invitation to dialogue, which will increase the security of Iranian maritime traffic on the Persian Gulf to the Indian Ocean.

Information warfare is war in information space with the aim of manipulating the systems, processes, information sources, and infrastructure of the target state. The aim of this war, unlike in the past, which was mainly a military victory in the classical war, is to influence the political, economic, cultural and social systems, to create widespread psychological campaigns to undermine the stability of society and to put pressure on a government to decide and act in the interests of information warfare. In this regard, the main question of the article is that under the influence of the ICT revolution and the cyber revolution, what changes has taken place in the information war? In answering to the above-mentioned question, it is hypothesized that under the influence of the ICT revolution and the cyber revolution, information warfare has expanded from the operational and tactical level to the strategic level and has included political, economic, cultural and social dimensions. The research method of this article is descriptive and analytical. The ultimate goal of the article is to discuss the evolution of the concept and application of information warfare under the influence of the information and communication revolution and the cyber revolution. Research findings show that knowledge, especially cyber knowledge, is the key to success in the field of information warfare.

The concept of development and its application in the political system of Saudi Arabia has always faced deep challenges due to the establishment of a conservative monarchy. This issue has made it very difficult to achieve development in this country, especially with the full support of traditional Wahhabism as the most important religious authority legitimizing the Saudi Kings. Although Muhammad bin Salman's presence in power and his profound reformist policies promised the transition of a traditional Saudi society towards a developed system, in practice Bin Salman's actions show the intensification of challenges and it led to the deepening of some crises in foreign and even domestic arenas. In this article, the main question is: What are the most important challenges to Saudi Arabia's political development with an emphasis on the bin Salman? The authors' hypothesis is based on the principle that despite some structural and even profound religious reforms of Ibn Salman, the country is still under an authoritarian system. Findings of the article by using the Bernard Kerik model, the use of library resources and descriptive analytical methods show that political development in the Saudi regime faces eleven fundamental problems that have made the realization of political development in this country impossible. In the following, we will deal with the 6 aforementioned problems.

In the common view, which is influenced by the theory of realism, international law is merely a modern tool in the service of the great powers to legitimize their access to their goals and is respected until being beneficial for the national interest. In fact, interfering politics and selfish interests are hidden behind the beautiful and deceptive mask of international law. On the other hand, the solidarism approach of English school, without denying the crucial role of state sovereignty, focuses on the formation of a global consensus on norms of international law and fading away the border between internal and international society and as one of the theoretical bases of good governance paradigm, encourages states to regard the standards of democratic governance by emphasizing on the norms of international human rights. The question of this article is: “Has English school approach towards international law been able to improve human rights and good governance standards?” The question is responded by the documentary method of collecting data through books, articles, websites and internet sources. we reached to this conclusion that even though the international legal system consists of horizontal rules and is based on the co-operation of the subjects, However, governments build the international community according to these common rules and norms, and by limiting themselves to complying with these rules, they consider violations of human rights standards and governance standards unauthorized and are not willing to abandon them easily in order to maintain their international credibility and legitimacy.

The new conditions of the international system have caused new components to play a role and countries to use new tools to achieve their goals and national interests, the most important of which can be the use of public diplomacy as a tool of soft power. Given that Africa has an important place in the foreign policy of countries, many countries, including China and Turkey, are trying to use the existing capacities on the continent to their advantage and through public diplomacy, the influence of soft power. The question now is how China and Turkey have been able to improve their public diplomacy in Africa. In the present study, first, with a descriptive-analytical approach and using library documents and sources, the analysis of public diplomacy between China and Turkey in Africa has been studied. Then, with systematic method and SWAT matrix analysis, an attempt has been made to present a strategy by examining the collected data, which is one of the innovations of the mentioned article. Therefore, the results indicate that China and Turkey have been able to have successful public diplomacy in Africa by using various cultural, economic, humanitarian, educational, etc. measures and increase their soft power influence on the continent by using offensive strategy.

In the conventions and resolutions of international organizations that deal with international transportation rights, active subjects play a lesser role in enforcing the regulations they have enacted. Governments and international organizations have adopted these regulations in line with the needs of the transportation community and are working to streamline and integrate them. These regulations are complemented by transnational customs, which form treaties and resolutions without any noticeable change. In this article, our main question is how the transnational customs of passive subjects complement the conventions laid down by active subjects. We examined the legal aspects of the non-compliance of transnational customs with the conventions and resolutions of transportation, as well as their effect on the interpretation and guarantee of the implementation of transport treaties, in a descriptive and analytical manner, and conclude that the extent to which a treaty or resolution is enforceable allows for the formation of a later or secondary custom, the formation of a later custom is inevitable, and will play a positive role in fulfilling responsibility and will guarantee.

A major demand of nations in most of the world's legal systems is having fair trials. The main pillar of fair trials is observing the right of defense of accused, including the reasonable length of criminal trial. This stage encompasses the beginning of prosecution up to executing the sentence. The period’s length in trials is especially important because, if a reasonable period of trial is not determined or no criterion is specified for it, rights of the accused will certainly be deprived or restricted. It also differentiates the judicial process according to the judges' tastes and ultimately leads to the violation of the defense rights of the accused and even the plaintiff. The question is, what the approach of Iranian law and international documents is towards the aforementioned reasonable period. This article examines the situation of a reasonable period in trial procedures, by a descriptive-analytical method and using library resources; while pointing to the principles and requirements of human rights, aiming at investigating the causes of trial delays and offering modern approaches. What we witness from all studies of this article implies that, although no specific criterion in international human rights documents is available to determine the reasonable duration of criminal procedures, various factors influencing these procedures are addressed, such as internal regulations, complexity of the case, type of charge, judiciary authorities' actions, etc. But without mentioning these factors, our legislator has not shown a desire to define, explain and mention the new requirements of a reasonable period of the criminal process, merely by referring to the brief references to "investigation as soon as possible".