فصلنامه سیاست جهانی
سال دهم شماره 2 (پیاپی 36، تابستان 1400)

Covid 19 is specialized in the field of medical sciences, but its scope of influence is pervasive. The Corona pandemic and all-encompassing conflicts has influenced scientifically almost all academic disciplines as well as all spheres in human life. Accordingly, from various aspects, the subject of discussions, debates and challenges has become public and scientific.  The present study focuses on corona and development, as well as the choice of potential paths ahead. In this descriptive-analytical study using archival and Internet resources, we have shown the moment and turning point of previous crises related to Covid19. Therefore, through examining how Corona plays an important and timely role as a momentary event in choosing the future course of events in many countries, the claim is examined that the present challenge as a momentary event in the form of shock, flip and crisis, lays the groundwork in many spheres of Reconstruction, correction and change. Speaking before and after the corona in describing and analyzing phenomena represents the moment of selection in selective changes; Explains looking and rethinking methods, strategies, models, and paths. corona could be a turning point in the domestic and foreign elections. With this approach to the Corona issue as a turning point, researchers may in the future divide some countries into successful and failed ones by choosing new methods, strategies, and paths with and without Corona.

The existing international order is primarily the result of the three fundamental changes of the international system in the 20th century. World War I reduced Europe's share of the global power. World War II led to a paradigm shift in international system, which had been monopolized by traditional European powers for centuries. As a result of this war, Europe's role was reduced to the status of semi-peripheral powers for the US and Soviet superpowers. The collapse of the Soviet Union was the third development that established the United States as a superpower at the end of the twentieth century. In the past two decades, there have been signs of the emergence of new global powers and a shift in US' superior position that have prompted a backlash. In this context, the fundamental question is what is the US strategy to deal with the process of global transition of power in the global order? In response to this question,the hypothesis has been put forward that the United States has adopted three sectoral strategies,including neoisolationism, selective engagement,and collective security aiming to delay the power transition process; Also, the establishment and consolidation of international regimes in three areas of geopolitics, geoeconomics and geoculture.

This study seeks to analyze authoritarianism in Turkey from 2010 to 2020 and seeks to answer the question of what factors have led to the growth and intensification of authoritarianism in Turkey? The government that took power in Turkey in 2002 put Turkey on the path to economic growth, political tolerance, and a policy of zero tension in foreign relations during the early years. But after intervening in Syria and the global economic crisis, which was the main cause of the flow of foreign capital to the country, Turkey faced complex ethnic, security, economic and political crises. In the face of these crises, the Erdogan government ignored all the principles and rules of the game of a developmental and democratic government and suppressed civil society by pulling down the shutters of democracy. This study theorizes the nature of government in Turkey based on the nature of the peripheral state and its connection with the capitalist structure. Although the capitalist peripheral government in Turkey uses the opportunities of capitalist growth in the form of global division of labor, it also has special features in all areas in its relationship with the domestic community and the international system.

China has taken initiatives, including the revival of the Silk Road in its foreign policy, aiming to expand the sphere of influence in the other regions. The Chinese Belt and Road Initiative was presented by Chinese president Xi JinPing in 2013. It should be noted that the expansion of New Silk Road project is likely to promote in the Middle East particularly Iran would increase China’s power.
In an attempt to explore the advantages and disadvntages of Belt and Road initiative for Iran, this paper while addressing the corridors, tries to explain the doctrine and foreign policy objectives in the Middle East at the creation of the initiative for Iran. It tries to answer the question that what are the consequences of the Chinese's Road and Belt Initiative for Iran's national interests in the Middle East? The main point of this article is that in the case of implenting the China's Belt and Road initiative by developing the infrastructure of trade and cultural interactions in the region, attracting foreign investment, helping to expand regional security, Iran's economic and strategic interests both domestically and regionally will be provided.

In 1990, in a report by the United Nations Development Program (UNDP), a composite Human Development Index (HDI) was introduced by experts from that organization, a combination of life expectancy, literacy rate and per capita income. Examining human development indicators is one of the planning and decision requirements for any country. In the present study, we try to evaluate the degree of deprivation and their development by examining the economic indicators of human development in the Islamic countries of the Middle East, and after classifying, the differences and similarities of the countries are shown. Raw data have been compared with the world, less developed and developing countries. The results of the research show that countries such as Syria, Palestine, Yemen and Lebanon are in a weaker position in terms of these indicators and the degree of development. Reasons for this backwardness and shift in rank include civil and foreign wars, threats to human security, foreign and regional policies, ideological and border differences, as well as geographical conditions.

Trans-boundary waters are strategically and geopolitically significant for the living species, regional ecosystems, and development of countries. Due to population growth and increase in demand for commodities, climate change, global warming, drought, water source scarcity, and water maladministration, trans-boundary waters have become a challenging issue in the foreign policy and relation of the coastal countries. Some issues such as the exploiting, managing, and getting water right of the trans-boundary waters have mostly caused conflict in international politics. The Helmand River has been historically considered a matter of conflict (and sometimes, cooperation) between Iran and Afghanistan. This article seeks to provide a theoretical framework for understanding the elements of conflict-crisis between the two countries in this regard. Our main question revolves around the position of trans-boundary rivers in Iran`s foreign policy focusing on the Helmand River. By a descriptive-analytical method, the following research is trying to propose a model for examining and better understanding the position of Helmand River in Iran`s relation with Afghanistan.

In recent years, the water crisis in Iran has become public with manifestations such as drying of lakes, rivers and wetlands, groundwater depletion, land subsidence, water quality degradation, soil erosion, desertification and dust storms and has consequences in various ways. ; However, the main consequences have been the occurrence and intensification of security problems such as the weakening of the legitimacy of the system and national power, insurgency and turmoil, local and regional tensions. Using a descriptive method and using library resources, this study first seeks to describe the water crisis as a security problem in Iran and then to explain the institutionalist model with the aim of policy making. The center of gravity of institutionalist analysis is the emphasis on the role of institutions as an independent variable in shaping the processes and outcomes of individual and collective actions through the enactment and implementation of law. Among these, laws such as the Law on Preservation and Protection of Groundwater Resources, the Law on Water and its Nationalization, and the Law on Fair Distribution of Water are among the laws related to the water basin; But overall, they have not been able to reduce or eliminate the water crisis. Overall, it seems that policy-making based on the institutional model will lead to a better understanding of the inefficiency of past laws and redefine the relationship between institutions involved in water management through new legislation, improved governance and political water economy, and thus reduced security consequences of the water crisis

This article intends to comparatively study and explain the grounds for the formation of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) against the former Soviet Union and the grounds for the formation of the Persian Gulf Cooperation Council against the Islamic Republic of Iran. What are the similarities and differences between the factors influencing the formation of NATO vis- -vis the Soviet Union and the GCC vis- -vis the Islamic Republic of Iran? " Is. Necessary information has been collected using the library method and by referring to books, articles, and domestic and foreign publications and Internet resources., Offensive power, offensive intentions, increasing offensive power) is effective and applicable both in the formation of NATO against the former Soviet Union and in the formation of the Gulf Cooperation Council against the Islamic Republic of Iran.

Relations between Iran and Saudi Arabia as two influential regional powers in the regional and global arena have been marked by ups and downs since the victory of the revolution in Iran. The two countries have experienced numerous conflicts in the past. In general, the geopolitical, geoeconomic, ideological and systemic competitions of the international system have been the basis of escalating tensions in recent years. Due to the Position of two countries in the regional arena Future analysis of relations between two countries is an undeniable necessity. In the present study, the future of relations between Iran and Saudi Arabia has been studied using Delphi method. Here, the questionnaire was designed in a Likert method and distributed to the professors and experts, and finally, it was completed in two stages. The main question of the present study is what are the possible scenarios in Iran-Saudi relations In the next decade and will the strategies for managing the tensions in the relations of the two countries be formulated in a strategic and Policy maker framework? The result was that, subjective, identity and ideological factors always play a key role in Tension escalates between Iran and Saudi Arabia compared to other factors. Finally, the present study examined the short-term, long-term and mid-term solutions to the potential challenges in the regional relations of the two countries. The contents of this study will be used in the Creation of regional foreign policy strategies of the Islamic Republic of Iran.