فصلنامه مطالعات بنیادین و کاربردی جهان اسلام
پیاپی 7 (بهار 1400)

The process of nation-building is a Western process that has been favorably used by modern European countries. This process is based on the creation of a strong government institution, the formation of an orderly and efficient bureaucracy, as well as the definition of national identity for the citizens present at certain borders, under the title of nation. Imposed borders in the Middle East, lack of nation-building grounds such as democracy in the Middle East, late accession of countries in the region, as well as ethnic and racial dispersion of people in the region, cause tensions within and between countries. In Lebanon, as one of the unsuccessful examples in the field of state-nation-building, the multiplicity of ethnic and religious groups and the constant existence of security tensions have marked an endless cycle of crisis in the body of power as well as in society. In the present article, an attempt is made to review the theories of nation-building government to answer the question why the nation-building government has not been successful in the Middle East, especially in Lebanon? The premise of the research is that the model used for nation-building in the Middle East, instead of solving the problem, has created new crises such as the crisis of identity and the crisis of legitimacy. In the case of Lebanon, we try to explain the failure of the nation-building process in this country by examining components such as the structure of government, limited democracy, and ethnic and sectarian divisions As we have seen, nation-building has become more of a challenge to the elites of the region than a means of resolving the crises in the Middle East. The effects of colonialism in the Middle East are still visible today, years later, and the imposed demarcations caused the present nation to see differences and contradictions among themselves rather than in unity and solidarity. This has led to tensions between them. The imposition of the European model of nation-building, regardless of the lack of necessary infrastructure in the Middle East, not only failed, but also exacerbated existing crises and perpetuated weak states. According to Weber's definition of government, this institution does not have the ability to monopolize the legitimate use of force. Inefficient bureaucracy in the Middle East only leads to delays in getting things done. Lack of understanding between members in the body of power leads to a crisis, a crisis that should not be referred to as multi-state but as stateless, because all the efforts of political elites will be spent on resolving tensions in government and the capacity to address crises in society. And the International will not remain. In the Middle East, citizens at defined geographical borders cannot define their identity, an identity that can encompass all individuals of the country and be different from the national identities of neighboring countries. Such a situation is well seen in Lebanon, where the citizens of this country are not only not connected to each other, but they have also lost touch with the government. In a country where democracy is claimed, people are critical of all statesmen and call for their resignation in constant demonstrations and protests. The Lebanese tribal system is not the desired system of the Lebanese people, it is a model imposed by France, the inefficiency of which has been proven many times. Numerous security incidents in this country have worn out the government. This has led to the lack of any cultural and educational infrastructure that can instill and build a clear and comprehensive national identity. The government faces many challenges within itself, and if it has the capacity to do so, it will simply neutralize or minimize the consequences of tensions at the highest levels of security and the military. The constant interference of foreign countries has also contributed to the gradual erosion of Lebanon, and it is natural for a lack of consensus, whether among political elites or members of the nation and social groups, despite the constant presence of foreign countries with diverse and sometimes conflicting interests.

Understanding Israel's security policies from a realist point of view has almost become a fundamental principle. It seems that this regional actor has adjusted all its relations with regional countries based on the policy of zero sum, and therefore security concerns have overshadowed other aspects of the actor's policies. Accordingly, Israel's foreign policy is almost equivalent to its national security policy, and without understanding the nature of security threats and challenges, understanding Israel's foreign policy process cannot be understood and evaluated. In the long run, it seems that Israel's security problems have not changed much, and this small actor still faces the same challenges both at the peripheral and regional levels. Given that Israel views regional security relations vertically, that is exclusively state-to-state and confined to superior military power, not horizontally and strategically or multilaterally and under comprehensive security, effective deterrence remains at the core of Israel's strategic thinking. Existing trends are likely to turn into turmoil sooner or later, forcing Israel to play a role in mitigating the challenges. From Israel's point of view, the emergence of this emerging Middle East has created a new multi-faceted and uncertain scenario in which a strategic doctrine adapted to these changing and unexpected conditions is essential for survival. Today's complex and challenging operating conditions, which have led to geostrategic changes in borders and the environment, are the result of regional developments and related events that have led to fundamental changes in the level of Israel's strategic decisions. At the core of Israel's strategic assessment is the challenge between its apparent power and success in various fields and the likelihood that this situation will continue, albeit temporarily and fragilely. This challenge stems from a number of factors that could in the future lead to the expansion of threats and conflicts with the escalation of the security dilemma, and includes Israel's approach to a series of key national security challenges. Overall, in the view of Israeli security analysts, the window of strategic opportunity does not appear to have been sufficiently exploited, and growing threats require a rethinking of Israel's security strategy, defense policy, resource allocation, and more up-to-date strategies. These analysts suggest two possible approaches to Israel's strategy: one is a cautious and stabilizing solution, emphasizing diplomacy and controlling existing threats so that they do not become malignant. Second, it is a preventive and possibly aggressive solution to eliminate emerging threats, but it can lead to full-scale war in various fields. According to these analysts, the main prerequisite for choosing the right approach is to strengthen the foundation of the internal cohesion of Israeli society, and by emphasizing social solidarity, they seek to first heal social gaps and then restore confidence in governing institutions. In addition, the issue of Palestine continues to mean that the real problem that some actors are trying to ignore, or at least pretend to not exist, has significant implications for regional actors' relations. The issue of Palestine remains a regional issue with historical, religious and cultural dimensions, and Israel and its allies cannot ignore it. It is true that Israel's relations with some Arab countries have taken on a new form, but strong alliances with Israel are not expected to be formed before the Palestinian issue is resolved. Analysis and strategic assessment of regional trends show that Israel does not face immediate and immediate threats at this time and in the short term. However, there are signs of internal, peripheral, and regional trends that could lead to malignancies in the future and increase the likelihood that these existential threats will become a reality. The timing of these threats, which are largely foreign sources, varies: while rocket and missile strikes can occur in the short term, other external threats, such as the formation of a regional coalition of hostile actors, the nuclearization of the Middle East, and international isolation, can occur in the interim. Long-term occur. At the same time, the internal threat of social incoherence to Israeli Jewish identity under certain conditions could also develop in the medium term. Regardless of the ideological point of view, in the end it should be emphasized that Israel is not a passive actor according to the existing assessments, but an actor that tries to change the existing threatening realities and keep the threats it faces away.

ASEAN moved in the direction of economic-security cooperation and cultural-social cooperation almost simultaneously, and with its roadmap, envisioned and implemented the creation of three structural communities. By 2015, three communities named Security, Economic, and Socio-Cultural were active. Although ASEAN focuses more on the economic sphere, it cannot be said that the other two pillars of this organization are inactive. What is important about ASEAN is that it does not take a hasty position and is in conflict with a particular member. Although the Arab League against ASEAN, as a regional organization, has a longer history of regionalism than ASEAN and has implemented some initiatives, it has faced many challenges. The Arab League's response to various crises has been largely a function of the organization's ideology and approach to the crisis. At times and in critical crises the League has failed to emerge as an effective organization with conflicting interests. It has turned this organization into an arena for confrontations.

The current research method is quantitative-analytic. Data compilation is based on documentary method. data are gathered from external and internal sources (books, Articles & websites). Although attempts have been made to use internal sources as well, due to the nature of the research and the needs of the authors, external sources have been used more.

ASEAN and the Arab League as two Asian organizations have some slight similarities. However, their differences are clearly deeper. These two organizations, which were formed in the post-World War II period, have each gone through a special process. ASEAN was able to play a more successful role than the Arab League for a number of reasons: 1. ASEAN, recognizing the interests of the region in economic cooperation, gradually focused on this area, and this has so far created a situation of relative interdependence; 2- The approach of the game with the result of positive and double sum between ASEAN members has caused 10 Southeast Asian countries to rely on their absolute achievements and this has minimized divergence. 3- ASEAN, although it has few components in the field of value. Has commonalities, but has been able to bring about convergence between members by valuing in different sectors.In contrast, the Arab League has been less successful than ASEAN for a variety of reasons: 1. Although the Arab League has gradually moved towards economic cooperation and the volume of intra-regional trade between its members has grown, the volume Trade within the organization is still very small; 2- The dominance of the zero-sum game approach among the members of the Arab League has been one of the main obstacles to deepening cooperation, as in various events such as the siege of Qatar, the civil war in Syria and Yemen and even Libya and Egypt, members of the Arab League relied on relative achievements. This has been an obstacle to the convergence of the Arab League, and 3. Although the Arab League has many common values, such as Islam, the Arabic language, and a common culture, the Arab League has not benefited much from these stimuli.

While there is a Muslim crescent in Southeast Asia, like the Shiite Crescent in the Middle East, from western Malaysia to the southern Philippines, this does not lead to ideological tensions in Southeast Asia and, secondly, to separatists such as Aceh and Mindanao has managed with the central government in the form of revenue-sharing and autonomy agreements, but the lack of economic interdependence and absolutism in the attitudes to issues has created a situation in the Arab League in which, In most cases, to varying degrees, the central government is not only confronted with different orientations, but also with different governmental approaches in the issues being challenged in the regional level. This not only destroys the ability to make efficient decisions, but also minimizes integration in the face of more important challenges. What should be considered in the Arab League in order to deepen regionalism is that the members should refrain from fanatical orientation, which is a factor in creating a zero-sum game, and value their common values. Multidimensional construction in various fields to provide opportunities for future cooperation. Following the example of the 3 ASEAN specialized communities can not only create a mechanism for dealing more effectively with accidents, but can also be a precondition for preventing severe crises and even mitigating them when appropriate.

The history of human life has always been one of strife, war and bloodshed from the very beginning. This has caused a lot of financial, psychological and human losses. Establishing peace and resolving conflicts has always been the concern of humanity. This has led many scientists to come up with a number of theories. Some heads of state, government and thinkers speak of peace, a peace in which war, bloodshed and looting are sometimes allowed. But the Prophetic tradition provides important and vital guidelines for resolving wars and conflicts in human societies, which can be followed by managing world societies in the light of peace. In the history of the rule of the Holy Prophet (PBUH), the principle has been based on peaceful relations. Of course, jihad cannot be ignored. Imam Jihad was the only tool at that time to protect Muslims from oppression, defend religion, public order, prevent aggression and injustice. Jihad is a kind of defensive war that has become obligatory on Muslims in certain circumstances. By observing and researching the history of the wars and conflicts of the Holy Prophet (PBUH), we see that all these conflicts have been defensive, such as the battle of Hadd and the battle of Badr. Of course, in Islam, precise rules have been set for war, which in its time was unparalleled in terms of human and humanitarian aspects. Such as prisoners' rights, treatment of the injured and killed, treatment of women, children and the elderly. The rules of war in Islam are based on forgiveness, mercy and compassion. There are various theories in this regard, whether the principle in Islam is war or peace? The Holy Prophet (PBUH) used the method of invitation to resolve political disputes at the beginning of Islam. Which was later achieved through negotiation. And these clashes either led to their conversion to Islam or led to agreements and the signing of contracts. Islam is inevitably in favor of war at times; That is, since the other party is not willing to coexist honorably and seeks to trample on human dignity through oppression and aggression - in such circumstances - surrender is not permissible. The political views of Islam in such cases are: peace if the other side is ready and agrees to peace, and war if the other side wants to fight. And we see both scenes in the history of the political life of the Prophet (peace and blessings of Allaah be upon him). It is also narrated from Imam Ali (as) that he said: “The Prophet sent me to Yemen and said: O Ali! "Do not fight anyone unless you have invited him to Islam." Another method used by the Holy Prophet (pbuh) to resolve disputes was to use common ground. The Prophet (pbuh) used to motivate the opposition to negotiate and agree in principle. They used common ground for peaceful negotiations. The basis of Islam in foreign relations is based on peace. The Prophet (peace and blessings of Allaah be upon him) also used peace-seeking as an important strategy in foreign and international relations. From the sixth year of AH, they also pursued a peace strategy, the most obvious of which was the peace of Hudaybiyyah. One of the methods of resolving the dispute is mentioned in the Holy Quran in verses 59 to 65 of Surah An-Nisa ', which clearly emphasizes the necessity of referring to the ruler of the divine law during the dispute. To refer to God means to refer to the book and the divine ambassadors means the messenger and the first things. Considering the history in Islam and the time of the rule of the Prophet (peace and blessings of Allaah be upon him), it can be said that Islam has established peace and peaceful relations between the Islamic State and other states as a necessary principle and war is only an exceptional case. Is counted. Considering the Prophetic tradition, it became clear that in Islamic law, there are at least some solutions such as: invitation, compromise, negotiation, jizyah, which have been given much attention in order to prevent strife and war between Muslims and non-Muslims.

Introduction  :

In recent decades, the coastal states have adopted strategies to exercise sovereignty over their maritime areas. The main goal of these strategies has been to secure national interests and create maritime security. The emergence of security in maritime corridors is related to the coastal countries strategies in the form of international conventions. efficient law navy forces are the main tools in this case. Proper sovereignty over the Strait of Hormuz from a defense point of view, it is a strategic necessity for Iran now and in the future. Therefore, this article tries to ask the question, what is the role of the Strait of Hormuz in the appropriate defense strategy of Iran and what are the geopolitical consequences of the Strait blockade for the interests and national security of Iran?

The type of research is descriptive-analytical and data collection is done in a library manner.After collecting information, relevant data were extracted and analyzed in line with the research question. While explaining the basic concepts of the research, the situation of the Strait of Hormuz has been studied from various aspects and its geopolitical importance in relation to Iran's defense strategies has been pointed out.

The most important findings of this article in order to answer the main question can be expressed in the form of statements such as geopolitical and strategic attractiveness of the Strait of Hormuz, the separation of the Iranian-Oman Sea border in the Strait of Hormuz, the separation of the Strait of Hormuz and Iran's naval defense strategy. He categorized the maritime territories and the Strait of Hormuz.AnalysesThe threat of blocking the Strait of Hormuz and preventing the movement of foreign ships and impeding maritime trade in the Persian Gulf region has been one of the alternative elements in the defense strategy of the Islamic Republic of Iran in recent decades. Threats to close the Strait of Hormuz have been raised many times by the military and some irresponsible people in the country's foreign policy, but the most important threats have been raised on special occasions by some high-ranking officials who have had significant repercussions in the world.The Strait of Hormuz, despite official and unofficial threats, has not been completely blocked so far, but action to prevent the passage of ships of some countries through the Strait of Hormuz can be taken as an occasional and limited action to block the Strait of Hormuz. Considered.If Iran's decision to close the Strait of Hormuz becomes serious and practical, then it will have consequences that will be somewhat irreparable. In the current situation where the country's important ports are located on the shores of the Persian Gulf and also Iranian oil export platforms have been built in the Persian Gulf, the Strait of Hormuz is the vital artery of the country and closing the Strait of Hormuz means cutting this artery.The first consequence of blocking the Strait of Hormuz will be the cessation of Iranian oil sales. Also, cutting off the country's imports through the Strait of Hormuz will be another consequence of the closure of the Strait by the Iranian Navy.

One of the sources of Iran's geopolitical authority and prestige in the region and the world, is the location of the northern part of the strategic Strait of Hormuz in territorial waters and in general this part of the strait belongs to the Islamic Republic of Iran. The dependence of oil and gas producers in the Persian Gulf region and oil and gas consumers in the world on the Strait of Hormuz exceeds its importance beyond a simple international crossing. In such circumstances, what is the country's geopolitical value in the region and the world will grow, there will be lasting security and a safe flow of energy from this strait.

The presence of women in the field of socio - political activities in Arab countries has always been one of the most controversial issues in those communities due to the views of the governments and the positions of some political and religious currents. Bahrain, meanwhile, after the death of Sheikh Isa bin Salman Al Khalifa in 1999 and the succession of his son Sheikh Hamad bin Isa, presented and approved a plan called the "Charter of National Action" to change the system of government from emirate to monarchy and to implement some political reforms and social issues such as amendment of the 1972 constitution, holding elections, reopening the House of Representatives, and granting the suffrage and candidacy to women in council and parliamentary elections. Since among the most important goals of the Charter were to open the political space, spread democracy, increase people's participation and specially give women the right to vote, some claim that the role and socio-political position of Bahraini women has been improved. Opponents of the regime, however, argue that changes such as women's suffrage, the formation of civic institutions, and the presence of women in government cabinets and parliamentary elections are not desirable criteria for assessing political and social participation. The authors of this article, without having a biased view of any of these views, seek to address the issue by referring directly to Bahraini society and citing statistics, figures and evidence. The research method in this study is descriptive-analytical. Data collection is based on the library method, which examines the socio-political activities of Bahraini women, especially their presence in associations and unions and their participation in the electoral campaigns from 2002 to 2018. The required information and data are collected and reviewed and analyzed. The findings show that despite the specific norms and customs of Arab societies, and the traditional political structure of Bahraini government with its repressive approach to the political opposition, especially in the political protests and demonstrations of February 14, 2011, the presence of women in Important political and social positions has grown significantly in recent decades. Increase in women's associations, unions and non-governmental organizations, as well as increase in their presence in high political positions such as ministry, embassy and parliament, shows the positive effects of the 2002 political reforms on Sheikh Hamad bin Isa Al Khalifa in promoting the political position of Bahraini women. At present, the characteristics of women entering the field of social activities have grown significantly. The increase in study and university education opportunities for women has led to women's motivation and self-confidence to enter the political arena. Although it is not currently possible for Bahraini women to hold high governmental positions such as Prime Minister, Minister of Foreign Affairs, Minister of Justice, Minister of Defense, etc., the available evidence suggests that in recent years the attitude of the government towards their position and role in Political issues has changed significantly. The selection of a woman as the Speaker of the Consultative Assembly by the deputies, along with the numerous appointments of women as ambassadors, ministers and government officials, confirms the changes occurring in the government's view of women compared to other Arab countries. But, the discrimination against Shiite women is an important point. Indeed, despite advances in women's legislation, there is still an inequality observed in employment opportunities and management positions by Shiite women.