فصلنامه پژوهش های تاریخی
سال دوازدهم شماره 4 (پیاپی 48، زمستان 1399)

Government reform policies in rural areas have steadily increased through a variety of economic and social programs from 1962 to 1978. One of them was the implementation of land reforms in 1962 that changed the structure of land ownership and consequently transformed the construction of socio-economic classes. The present article seeks to answer the following question with a descriptive-analytical approach: what are the social and economic consequences of demographic changes after land reforms in Ilam? The results showed that while the goal of land reform was to balance ownership and the rational use of lands by the villagers, the outcome was different and most peasants lost their independence due to the lack of credit, capital, and suitable land, and not only the influence of the owners didn’t diminish, but their economic conditions also gradually weakened. This situation largely destroyed the aspirations of villagers regarding land forms and other agricultural policies of the government. This happened in Ilam province and caused the migration of villagers to the city, increasing the population and suburbanization in Ilam city. Suburbanization in this city caused the spread of social harm, the destruction of agricultural lands, the physical development of the city in unsuitable lands, and the creation of slums.

One of the actions of the Iranian government in the 1960s was the approval of six bills including land reforms to address the lower classes of the society. The land reform that was passed to divide the land among the farmers and for the welfare of the farmers was practically the transfer of land ownership to the landless peasants and farmers, which led to changes in the relations of production and the structure of the society through the promotion of national power. These reforms were generally welcomed by the peasants and farmers, but in practice, and after the implementation, their shortcomings and problems became apparent that had a profound effect on the political, social, and economic structure of the society. Despite the abolition of the landlord-peasant system and the abolition of traditional management of farmers’ agriculture production, these reforms led to a decline in agricultural production, migration, and the growth of suburbanization in cities. The increasing population of cities was actually due to the migration of villagers and the liberated manpower of the agriculture sector in the village and their turning to the cities. Large landowners and capitalists also diverted their capitals to the cities and built financial, service, and industrial institutions due to the transfer of land to the peasants. In the process of agricultural modernization in the second Pahlavi period, the community of tribes and nomads who had the traditional method of production was integrated with the rural community in order to develop modern agriculture. This changed agriculture and the land ownership system. Land reforms caused the transformations in the social and economic situations of Ilam city including more nomadic settlement in the villages, the growth of rural migration to the city of Ilam, and the expansion of suburbanization in the city. Land reforms were approved on January 10, 1961, and their annexes were added until the end of these reforms in 1972. Land reforms have gone through three stages. The beginning of the first stage was in 1961, which lasted one year. The second stage began with the approval of 7 February 1962 and was implemented with the approval of 22 February 1964. Finally, the third stage began in 1968 and officially ended in 1972. These land reforms also took place in Ilam.  

The present study, based on library information and data, documents, and interviews, examined the impact of land reforms of 1962-1978 on the Ilam population. The main question of the research was: what were the effects of land reforms on the population of Ilam city? In answer to the question, this hypothesis was considered: land reforms caused the migration of villagers and increased the population of Ilam city.  

Land reforms in Iran were proposed by the government in 1963 and were approved by two parliaments and were implemented in three stages. The first stage began in 1963, according to which anyone who owned more than one land had to sell the surplus to the government. Arsanjani presented at this stage, and 700,000 people became landowners. The second stage began in 1965. At this stage, the land was leased to the farmers who cultivated it. This guaranteed the ownership right of landowners. Finally, the government decided to start the third stage in the 1970s, according to which the lands that were leased for 30 years were sold to the tenants. The aim of land reforms was to carry out a series of complementary and continuous measures to bring about fundamental changes in agriculture including the ownership of arable lands, the system of exploitation and the method of production, and the increase of income and the welfare of farmers. Land reform also sought to divide the lands and eliminate the influence of major landowners. With the implementation of the land reform law, Ilam province was included in these reforms, and parts of the government properties in Mehran, Dehloran, and Darrehshahr counties, as well as parts of the properties in Ilam, Ivan, Sirvan, and Chardavol counties were purchased by the government. In the central part of Ilam, 32 plots of land were subject to land reform regulations. Thirty-one plots of land were purchased during the implementation of the third stage of the land reform law, and one plot was purchased by the government (cooperative and Rural Affairs organization), which was owned by the Agriculture Bank. In most of Iran’s major cities, land reforms have led to the migration of a large number of poor and small peasants to the cities, especially large cities, and the expansion of suburbanization in these cities. Land reforms in Ilam province and consequently in Ilam city caused the influx of immigrants in this period and the rapid growth of the city and the expansion of suburbanization to the city. This issue eliminated the opportunity to plan for the future expansion of the city and the establishment of the necessary elements and applications in a balanced way in the city and neighborhoods. Land reforms in Iran have created many inequalities in various economic, political, and social fields. While the purpose of land reforms was to create an independent and self-reliant class of peasants, but the result was inverse, and most peasants lost their independence due to the lack of credit, capital, and adequate land, and landowners’ influence didn’t decrease, as expected. At the same time, political power was transferred to the government. The government also strengthened the remnants of wealthy landowners and peasants. All these factors caused more poverty and inequality in the villages, the gap between the poor and the rich increased day by day, and the level of development in the villages not only didn’t increase but also decreased.

Fotouh al-Baldan Book is the only historical source which pays full attention to the historical-financial and jurisprudential narrations and issues of conquered lands in addition to mentioning the conquests of different regions and therefore it can be called a ‘historical and jurisprudential historiography’. Although Belazari, like many of his contemporaries and historians, has reported financial narrations in the documentary and oral manner (said, told me, told us, etc.) and has not mentioned the written reference, it can be said with certainty that he quoted all the financial narrations of this book from written financial references of historians, narrators, and jurists except for some cases that Belazari referred to local reports. These narrations, which amount to 151 cases, have been quoted from 13 historical and jurisprudential financial references, some of which are now available such as the books of Al-Kharaj Abu Yusuf, Yahya bin Adam, and Al-Amwal of Qasim bin Salam and many are missing. On the one hand, most of the financial sources cited by Belazari in Fotouh al-Baldan are also considered in terms of documentation and credibility of the narrators and their elders.

One of the features of contemporary historiography is the emergence of a new style called ‘the financial historiography’. Financial historiography investigates some of the human actions taken towards earning his/her livelihood. Applying the concept of financial historiography as an independent department or discipline (field) may not be so common in historical studies, but the writings of great thinkers such as Voltaire, Vico, Montesquieu, Adam Ferguson, Adam Smith, and John Miller show that they had achievements with this approach from the Enlightenment Era (18th century) onwards. Although they considered the concept of ‘economic historiography’ for the first time, it seems that Muslims paid attention to the ‘financial historiography’ issue in the specific style and context of that time, that is, centuries earlier than western writers of financial affairs. For example, Abu Yusuf (182 AH) in his book Al-Kharaj states certain viewpoints on the financial issues of the government and proposes certain criteria that precede the proposed principles of Adam ‌smith (1776 AD) that were proposed 1000 years later as the four criteria of taxation (i.e. justice, certainty, ease of collection, and economic efficiency). Muslim authors compiled many jurisprudential-hadith and historical monographs with financial topics under titles such as properties, ransom, trade, khums (1/5 of properties), weights, quantities and rates, and the like from the half of the second century AH. Of course, written financial works were not limited to monographs, and it can also be found in general histories, local histories, geographical sources, and conquests. In addition to mentioning the conquests, Belazari has paid significant attention to financial issues and has benefited from monographs and other financial resources of the second and third centuries in Fotouh al-Baldan.

This research intends to validate the Fotouh al-Baldan references by using the library method with a historical-analytical approach relying on two criteria of written references continuity with oral narration and the documentary criteria and reliability of financial resources cited by Belazari.

In citing the early references, quoting his elders, despite adhering to the common tradition of historians and narrators of the first to sixth centuries, namely using the ‘attribution and oral narration’ method, Belazari had access to many ‘written references’ of these narrations, so it can be seen that although he has utilized the words like said, told me, about… and told us from the historians and jurists such as Waghedi, Madaeni, Abu Yusuf, and Qasim bin Salam, etc., in compiling Fotouh al-Baldan (conquests of lands), he has not mentioned any names of his cited financial sources. However, concerning the continuity between written references and oral narrations in the first centuries, he mentioned reasons such as the invalidity of the mere narration of Sheikh Hadith without having a written document for his narrations, the mere invalidity of Wejade and referring to the book without listening to the narrator sheikh (elder) and the author of the book, the Arab historical memory being a myth, and the unique place and value of writing in Qur'an, etc. It can be said that all the financial sources cited by Belazari in Fotouh al-Baldan are written, and this indicates the validity of the financial resources (especially the missing ones) cited by Belazari and, consequently, the historical validity of the Fotouh al-Baldan book. In Fotouh al-Baldan, with the exception of a few narrators and authors elders whose authenticity are in doubt, Belazari cites a total of 13 financial resources in mentioning the financial narrations (151 narrations) out of a total of 8 historians and jurist authors in which most of the resources are authentic and valid in terms of documentation and credibility of its narrators, elders, and authors. This also indicates the historical authenticity and credibility of the Fotouh al-Baladan book.

The historical sources of the Ghaznavid period have been written in accordance with Sultan Mahmud Ghaznavi’s approach based on putting excessive emphasis on Sabuktagin descendents. The Ghaznavid propaganda system has been based on writing historical and literary books during Sultan Mahmud's period. The most important component of Ghaznavid historiography in this system has been heroization of Sabuktagin and Sultan Mahmoud. The method of Ghaznavid historians has also affected the history of pre-Sabuktagin rulers. This way, an important part of Ghaznavid history has been reduced or eliminated in favor of Sabuktagin descendents. The present research aimed to describe a part of historical events distorted by Ghaznavid historians with an attempt to criticize the historiography of the Ghaznavid period by re-reading and reviewing the sources of narrations, especially by searching through the lost parts of Beyhaghi's history, which has remained in other works, such as Majma 'al-Ansab and Nasiri classes. Through an analytical method and by using the first-hand historical sources and comparing their narrations, the current research sought to answer the question of how historians approached the Ghaznavid rulers and sultans. The research findings showed that the historiography of Ghaznavids was mainly written in favor of Sabuktagin descendents and part of the history of Ghazni rulers was removed or reduced from Alptagin until Sabukatgin period, while part of Sabuktagin rulers and their slaves was generally accompanied by putting excessive emphasis on them and highlighting their role in political developments.

By recognizing the writers and rulers’ purposes in creating historical books, historians’ narratives will be better understood. Rulers’ desires have been among the influential components on historians’ approaches. In the Ghaznavid period, historians wrote their books generally under the influence of Ghaznavid sultans’ desires, especially Sultan Mahmud’s. Since Ghaznavid historians’ narrations were repeated in later periods, not many different works were found for comparing their narrations about the Ghaznavids. It seemed that Bayhaqi’s history was made with a different approach from those of other historians based on some narrations and the missing parts could force us carefully review some historical narratives about the Ghaznavids. Therefore, the author took a critical approach to reading the narrations in the historical sources according to their authors’ purposeful verbal actions and by comparing the historical books and taking a list of contradictions in their narrations. Also, based on some remaining narrations probably in Bayhaqi’s history, an analytical study of Ghaznavid historiography was conducted. Accordingly, the present article was written on the basis of questions about how and why the historians in the Ghaznavid period took such an approach in favor of the rulers and sultans related to this dynasty. In response to these questions, this hypothesis was raised that the historians’ approaches were generally adopted in accordance with Mahmoud Ghaznavi’s propaganda system, while the relevant narrations led to putting excessive emphasis on Sabuktagin’s descendents.

With an analytical approach and through comparison of the main historical sources and based on library studies, the present research sought to find the answer to the question of what effects Mahmoud Ghaznavi's propaganda system had on Ghaznavid historiography.

The historiography of the Ghaznavid period developed on the basis of Sultan Mahmoud's propaganda system and historians served as an important part of this system. In this approach to historiography, on the one hand, Sultan Mahmoud in Iran and Ghazi in India were shown as heroes, based on Yamini history written in Arabic, while Arabic sources, such as Ibn Al-Athir, Ibn Al-Jawzi, and others were influenced by Utbi heroism, thus expanding it. On the other hand, the history of rulers before Sultan Mahmoud was written according to his desires and opinions. According to Sultan Mahmud's father, who had a small government dependent on the Samanids, a hero in Ghaznavid historiography was shown to be the savior of the Samanids and repellent of Indians. In this historiography, it was felt necessary to remove his predecessors and reduce Ghaznavid history to the history of Sabuktagin’s descendents.  Aloptagin's actions in Ghaznavid historiography were represented only because they were related to Sabuktagin. Hence, in Ghaznavid historiography, the rulers from Sabuktagin until Aloptagin periods were removed just to show that Sabuktagin was the most prominent surviving Turkish commander in Ghazni Province after Aloptagin’s death. Balkategin and Burytegin’s names and rules were probably mentioned contrary to Sabuktagin’s professionalism and merits. Many later historians attributed Sabuktagin’s rule to Aloptagin’s death. However, Ghaznavid historians, who presented different details, and Bayhaqi, who wrote his book at the time when Ghaznavid power and their propaganda system were weakened, used narrations that might have remained in Ghazni and represented parts of the events distorted by Utbi and Gardizi.

The women's organization of Iran was founded in 1966. The ultimate purpose of the organization was to raise the cultural, social and economic knowledge of the women of Iran. The organization created nearly 400 Centers all over the country. One of the Centers was established in Bushehr province in late 1966. The most emphasis of the Women's Organization was on the enhancement of woman's knowledge and education and providing facilities for their entry into the labor market. Thereby, the Women's Organization of Bushehr focused mostly on holding several types of artistic and literacy courses and acquainting women with different employment and job search methods.  This study aims to address and explain how Women's Organization of Bushehr was founded and what social and cultural activities and services it accomplished. The question of the research is ‘What services the organization has made in the family welfare centers for self-awareness and promotion of women's status in this region?’ The findings of this research show that Women's organization of Bushehr, in the sphere of social welfare, focused on literacy development, held professional education classes and courses in the field of business and provided family and legal counseling, which resulted in the growth of knowledge, development of employment and promotion of women's role and statue in various social and cultural affairs. 

One of the programs of Iran's Pahlavi dynasty was considering women and girls issues and trying to draw women outside of their home and to engage some educated and working women in government departments and labor markets. In this regard, Raza shah Pahlavi established numerous public schools for girls throughout Iran and set the mandatory unveiling of women known as Kashf-e hijab. In addition, he founded 'The Women's Association' to educate them according to the pattern he had in his mind, and centralized all related activities of women in this government department. After that, Mohammad Raza shah, in line with the development and modernization of Iran, took serious consideration to women's issues and their associations. Thus, he established several governmental institutions, entities and organizations related to women from the 1330s to 1350s. One of the most important government departments related to women in Mohammad Raza shah reign was 'The Women's Organization of Iran' which took considerable measures in various facets and fields. In addition to Organization's activities in Tehran, it undertook activities in other cities and even in several villages in Iran. According to governmental and official statistics, Women's Organization of Iran grew to establish nearly 400 centers and branches across Iranian cities by 1977. The organization started its activities in Bushehr province and its subsidiaries in late 1966. Whereas there are no available scientific studies with a historical approach about the process of foundation and performance of the family welfare centers in Women's Organization of the current province of Bushehr, this research seeks to address this issue through original resources, archival records, historical studies and oral history. This study is based on the assumption that Women's Organization of Bushehr has promoted women's role and status in different fields such as educational, health, cultural and legal affairs.

The data are gathered from valid historical sources, archival documents, journals, field studies, oral history, and through interviews with people who have been the main members of Women's Organization of Bushehr and its subsidiaries. The method used in this study is the method of analyzing the content and it relies on the main sources.

In Bushehr, Women's Organization of Iran was founded by women working in social sectors and employed them in 1966. Additionally, several centers were established in some districts of Bushehr province from 1966 to 1970. Women's Organization of Bushehr was administered directly under the supervision of the central center in Tehran. Family welfare centers were the most important body of Women's Organization of Iran, which acted as a service unit. The activities of these centers include education (literacy technical and vocational training), kindergarten, health and family planning, family and legal counseling. The most successful measures taken by the Women’s Organization of Bushehr was holding and launching specific job training centers such as carpet weaving, sewing, weaving, embroidery, typewriting and barbering. The unit of kindergarten in the family welfare centers in Bushehr undertook the duty of caring for children in low-income families. The purpose of establishing the unit of health and family planning by the Women’s Organization was to raise the level of women's knowledge about individual health, maternal and child health and the importance of family planning. The unit is administered in association with the Ministry of Health. The unit of legal and family counseling in family welfare centers in Bushehr, as well as other parts of Iran, undertook the duty of guidance and assistance to families for marriage, family relations, child training, complaints in legal cases or offering training courses. Women's Organization of Bushehr continued its activities for months after the Islamic revolution victory. After a few months, in 1979, an audit commission was sent to Women’s Organization Centers in various cities. Accordingly, Centers located in Bushehr port were audited and after ensuring that there were not any kind of illegal works, they were officially dissolved. After the announcement of dissolution, all employees working in the Organization were transferred to the Welfare Organization. One of the achievements of Women's Organization of Bushehr was that efforts of the Organization resulted in solving or decreasing some problems of women living in Bushehr. The Organization of Bushehr, to the extent of its power and energy, took considerable actions in the social welfare sector, which included increasing civil awareness, providing education, health and cultural services for employed mothers or non-educated and unemployed women, protecting homeless women, offering legal and judicial advice to female inmates of prisons, setting up kindergartens, and especially training women in the field of public and personal health. As a result, the Organization promoted the role and status of women in various social and cultural areas. At the same time, the traditional and religious context of the women’s society didn't profoundly change according to the demand and patterns determined by the government.

Sassanid reliefs are somehow reflecting events that include part of the beliefs, wars and victory over enemies, family relationships and courtesy, hunting and getting diadem. In the meantime, the reliefs of victory, which created a very positive psychological aspect among the society and the people, have received more attention from the kings. There has been a lot of research on Sassanid reliefs so far and many researchers have studied various dimensions of these reliefs. In the meantime, the reliefs of Shapur I, whose victories over the three Roman empires, namely Gordian III, Philip and Valerian, have been depicted, will be analyzed and examined. Sassanid Shapur I defeated Gordianus at the Battle of Mesica in 244 B.C. The narrations have informed that this emperor was killed on the battlefield. After this event, Philip paid a heavy annual tribute to the court of the Sassanid king and asked to support him to sit on the throne until the end of the war. About 15 years later, another Roman emperor named Valerian campaigned Iran that he was also captured by Iranians in Mesica with 70,000 Roman soldiers. Shapur ordered to sculpt these victories in Darabgird, Bishabour and the Naqsh-e Rustam, symbolically on the heart of the rocks. Scholars, however, have almost no doubt about the attribution of the present people in Shapur's reliefs to the three Roman empires, but it seems that the third Shapur’s relief in Tang-e-Chogan reminds another kind of narrative. The body of Gordianus in two reliefs in Bishabour and the relief of Darabgard, is slightly different from the relief number 3 in Bishabour, which is severely eroded and damaged. Regarding the location of this relief in an unsuitable place and its lower quality with other Shapur reliefs, it seems that it was carved in a hurry. The reason may be the events that took place between 260 and 267. After the capture of Valerian, the Roman court made many efforts to free him but never succeeded. In the same years, Odaenathus, the Arab Amir of Palmyr, had been involved with the Iranian army several times and had succeeded in defeating, supported by the Romans. Odaenathus was titled August by the Roman court for his great victories and was publicly called emperor. The growing power of this Palmyrian’s Amir caused concerns within the Sassanid court. The vastness of his territory itself indicates the power of the Palmyrians during these years. But the sudden and mysterious death of Odaenathus by the hands of his son and wife Zenobia reinforces the conspiracy theory of the Iranian court with Odaenathus's wife and son to eliminate this Arab Amir. According to the body covering and makeup of the person’s face depicted under the foot of Shapur’s horse in the relief of number 1 of Bishabour and its difference with the reliefs in which Gordianus is depicted, it can be hypothesized that this role is a reflection of the events between 260 and 267. Shapur portrays this relief as a general victory over the Roman emperor and court for their conspiracy and evils and the overthrow and elimination of Odaenathus, who was supported by the Romans. In the present article, we have attempted to analyze and study the reliefs of the victory of Shapur III over the Roman emperors with a descriptive and an analytical method and comparing the reliefs along with the use of numismatics. This analysis along with historical narratives can give the viewer a better view to look at these reliefs.

The economic and industrial history of Bushehr is one of the unspoken and unopened dimensions of this land. Bushehr’s economic history is divided into two parts, which include the period of the traditional economy and modern economy. In the modern economy of Bushehr, various industries play a role, which are headed by oil, gas, and petrochemical industries, shipbuilding industries, and food industries. However, the pioneer of modern industries in Bushehr province has been the textile industry. This study seeks to investigate the context and consequences of the establishment of atextile factory --Etemadieh-- and the reasons for its closure. The main question of this research is the following: What arethe grounds for constructing Etemadiyeh textile factory in Bushehr and its consequences? The main hypothesis of this research is that the establishment of  Etemadiyeh factory in Bushehr is the product of the emergence of a period of industrial development in Iran, the main feature of which is the entry of the private sector into the industry, including spinning and weaving industries. The motivation of this group of capital owners, in addition to making a profit, has been national and patriotic motives and efforts to create a local industry. Also, the establishment of this factory led to the reduction of unemployment in Bushehr.  

The spinning and weaving industries in Iran have a long and remarkable history. In fact, one of the historical advantages of the industry in Iran is the strong presence of the textile industry in the economic and industrial structure of Iran. Iranians have been familiar with the spinning and weaving industry since ancient times and have produced many products in this field. There are signs of the flourishing of the textile industry during the Achaemenid, Parthian, and Sassanid eras, which indicate that the Iranians were the leaders in most of the textile fields of their time. Iran's spinning and weaving industry during the Sassanid period was so prestigious and important that it continued its work after Islam. After Islam and the arrival of the Arabs in Iran, due to the importance of the textile industry in Iran, newcomers were willing to accept part of the Iranian tax in the form of textile products. An example of this can be seen in the city of Touj or Toz (Moghaddasi, 2006). Also, Tha'labi in his description of Fars has spoken of the export of five thousand garments (Tha'labi, 1989).

the important background of Bushehr in the field of textile weaving and the existence of centers such as Touj and Janaba and also the economic prosperity of Bushehr in the Qajar period, it was expected that Bushehr was one of the most important and prosperous ports of Iran in the Pahlavi period. Bushehr lost its prosperity and was not paid much attention by the Pahlavi government. Few important measures were taken in Bushehr by patriotic businessmen, such as the establishment of Etemadiyeh factory. This research has investigated the ups and downs of this factory from 1937 to 2009. The main question of this research is the following: What are the grounds for the establishment of this factory and its consequences? This study seeks to answer this question by examining the ups and downs of this factory from 1937 to 2009.  

This study is a descriptive-analytical one, one is what are the grounds for the The data were collected using historical documents, newspapers, and books.  

Etemadiyeh textile factory, which was the product of the development period of the spinning and weaving industry in the first Pahlavi era, had the potential to change the face of Bushehr province to an industrial and developed province. Etemadieh textile factory, which is the first modern spinning and weaving factory on the shores of the Persian Gulf, provided the grounds and conditions for the creation and expansion of industries in Bushehr and proved that Bushehr can be an industrial place in addition to commercial and port advantages. Etemadiyeh textile factory, which at its peak had more than 2,000 workers and employees, was very successful in developing the city of Bushehr and creating business for local and non-native volunteers. The patriotic interests and motives of local merchants, as well as the existence of suitable conditions for making a profit in the field of the textile industry in Bushehr, led to the establishment of this factory. Bushehr's distance from important textile production centers and the lack of fabric in Bushehr were other grounds for the construction of this industrial unit in Bushehr. The establishment of Etemadiyeh factory led to the formation and emergence of the industrial working in Bushehr and the increase of awareness and developments related to this class. Improving the quality of life of workers along with some of their dissatisfactions are among other consequences. Most of these dissatisfactions, which are related to the closure of this factory on several occasions, are due to factors such as lack of cash, old machinery, board disputes, and the recession in Bushehr. During the seventy-two years of the company's activity, several obstacles appeared in the way of its continuation and expansion; the identification and removal of these obstacles could provide the grounds for the industrialization of Bushehr. The lack of support for industrial activities in Bushehr province could clearly be observed in the case of  Etemadieh factory. The factory is a historical and objective experience of the possibility of establishing and operating industries in Bushehr province that could last for more than seventy years. However, despite this considerable history and background, for various reasons, including the lack of serious support for industry and industrial activities, the factory was eventually closed supporting the claim  that trade activities and exports and imports of goods and intermediation are more profitable in Iran than the establishment of factories and industrial units. Bushehr Etemadiyeh textile factory could meet the needs of society in the most severe economic and social conditions of the country during the Second World War and after, relying on domestic resources and raw materials. In addition to creating wealth, it reduced the country's dependence on foreign goods. This factory showed that investing in the garment industry and  spinning and weaving industries has been a successful and effective policy.

The existence of different sects and religions in the Ayyubid period (d. 567-658 AH) is one of the most important challenges people of that time faced. This issue forced their government to adopt different policies towards them. One of the most important religious groups in the mentioned period was Sofia. Studies about Sufis, who were able to play an effective role in various sections of the society and establish close relations with the government in the Ayyubid period, generally lack attention to the historical context, in which they lived, while no appropriate analysis of the time conditions and the ways of their interactions and relationships with various social institutions, especially with the government, has been presented so far. Using a descriptive-analytical method and citing historical sources, the present study sought to answer the question of what were the political, social, military, and religious positions of Sofia in the controversial arena of the Ayyubid government and how they was able to play a role in the relevant equations. The results of this research indicated that Sofia was able to penetrate into different sections of the society during this period and gain the support of the Ayyubids, while adopting an interactive religion-government approach and making material and economic benefits, such as construction and development of Sofia centers. In return, the Sufis helped to solve some of the political, social, and military problems of the Ayyubids.

Simultaneously with the rise of the Ayyubids, Sufism emerged from the state of individual asceticism and moved towards a systematic set with transcendent thoughts and a broader organization. In the Ayyubid period, we see intense religious conflicts, such as the Ash’arite divisions. For instance, the Mu'tazilites, imposed severe pressures on those, who believed in the freedom of thought and belief. Some Ayyubid sultans even banned teaching courses other than religious commentaries and principles. They even issued an order for the assassination of Sheikh Ishraq. Yet, the most stubborn clashes between Sunnis and Shias was common in this period. Ibn Jubayr pointed out part of these religious differences among the Shiites in the Levant at the time of Salah al-Din (Ibn Jubayr, 1370, 341). Politically, despite initial unity of Salah al-Din province, disputes were sown between his sons and brothers by dividing the areas under his rule. Throughout the reign of the Ayyubids, it became one of the main reasons for the weakness and eventual fall of this government, same as the clashes and confrontation between the Kurds and the Turkmen occurred in the form of Crusades. Other concerns in the period included the contradictory actions of the Ismailis and Ash'arites, as well as other political and religious differences. During this period, Sufism entered the path in the form of group experience. In the framework of this system, Sufi thoughts entered its philosophical stage in the 6th and 7th centuries. It was able to present many new ideas and theories to the society based on the philosophical language. During this period, with the organization and designing of new ideas, Sufism attracted attention of the government (the Ayyubids) and gained a special place in the field of religion, politics, and society. Also, Sofia, which used to be engaged in its own religious activities at the corners of mosques, moved to new places like monasteries, Zavieh and Rabat, under new political, social, and cultural conditions during this period. They came together there and the governments, which valued constructions of mosques and schools and allocation of endowments to them in the previous centuries, also added to the centers of Sofia as their third pillar during this period. Therefore, it should be said that this special position prevented the Ayyubids from ignoring this special and powerful movement, while they were forced to communicate with them during their rule. Although this relationship was generally based on a mutual supportive view, it sometimes emerged as an aspect though often appeared violent.

This research was done based on a qualitative approach and a descriptive-analytical method with reference to the main historical sources.

Assessment of the relationship between the Ayyubids and Sufis showed that this relation was formed in line with the culture of trading and mutual interests and was strengthened as soon as possible although sometimes taking the form of confrontation and leading to the negation of each other. In other words, due to their political, military, and religious preoccupations, the Ayyubids tried to reconcile with Sufis and use their pervasive influence among the different sections of the people, thus benefiting from their good prayers for social legitimacy. On the other hand, in addition to gaining many economic benefits, such as construction of monasteries, they enjoyed political, social, and military positions. Based on the study of historical sources, we could see that Sufism was mentioned, along with the jurists, as one of the important classes of the society. With their support for Sofia, the Ayyubids were able to take their first steps in using this group as one of the non-repressive or peaceful means of controlling the political, social, and economic turmoil in the Levant and overcome the existing problems.