نشریه جامعه شناسی تاریخی
سال سیزدهم شماره 1 (بهار و تابستان 1400)

The Safavid dynasty often considered the beginning of modern Iranian history in which the first independent Iranian state after Islam was founded. However, the Safavid government was relatively able to regulate violence and achieve in some degree, but after some time, social order faced a crisis and collapse. This study investigates the causes of this by citing historical sources, using a comparative and analytical method and relying on the model of the fragile natural state presented by North, Wallis and Weingast. Based on the findings of this study characteristics of the Safavid government in the four themes of "failure to form a stable coalition", "imbalance between social forces", "personal, informal and unilateral structure of political power" and "monopoly of political economy and violation of property rights" are similar to the main indicators of fragile natural government.

One of the important issues of the Qajar period was the arrival of a large number of European physicians in the geographical area of Iran and their treatment activities. Due to being strangers, these physicians were not very familiar with the social conditions and relations prevailing in this space and could not establish a proper connection with the host society. In this study, based on the main sources of Qajar history and descriptive-analytical method based on historical sociology, the socio-cultural interactions of European physicians with the host society are analyzed based on the concept of "stranger" invented by Georg Simmel. The questions of this research are: How were the mental and practical actions of European physicians in the host social space? What has been the reaction of the host community to them? What effects have stranger-host interactions had on the professional performance of these physicians in the health and treatment process of Iranian society? The findings of this study indicate that European physicians due to their actions due to being strangers to the host social space such as neutrality, having a clear accent and transparency; Freedom from any restrictions, prejudices and prejudices; Disregard for the social, political, etc. categorizations, which often lay in their objectivism, failed to establish the necessary convergence with some of the actors of the host society (the group of traditional sages). Instead, the sages looked at these doctors as strangers and did not accept them into their group for a short time. But another part of the host community, ie patients, has accepted them and as a result, the impact that these doctors have had on the treatment process of Iranian patients has been a positive trend.

Following the improvement of social status and human rights of women in the context of paradigm shift and discourse of European culture in recent centuries and the transfer of its intellectual achievements to the Islamic world, the problem of women became one of the important sociological problems in the Islamic world. In the Islamic world, due to the complexity of issues and the hegemony of religious discourse, an essential part of women’s issues belongs to the field of religion. Nevertheless, with women becoming a problem and other native challenges for Muslim thinkers; Scholars have shifted to interdisciplinary and specialized studies in women affairs. As one of the neo-Muchr('39')tazilite thinkers, Hamed Abu Zayd deals with the problem of women by using sciences like sociology, linguistics and, adoption approaches such as humanism and methods like hermeneutics and a new look at the interpretation of the Quran. This research is searching for the components of Abu Zayd interpretation and his solution to the womenchr('39')s problem. He believes the contemporary challenges of Muslim women are not rooted in the Quran but are rooted in masculine traditions, the dominance of the patriarchal atmosphere. By stating "the problem of women is essentially a social problem" he separates it from religious affairs and intends to follow the Quranic view of women, pay attention to the historicity of the scripture and ultimately resort to secularism in legislation to solve it. This research has used a descriptive-analytical method based on content analysis to receive the opinion of Abu Zayd.

Shah Abbas of Safavid dynasty, with a powerful government as the result of the sharing of slaves in power, and giving them military posts; suppressed the force and elements of violence, and gradually strengthened security throughout his realm; roads were fairly safe , theft , killing and robbery was reduced and Trade and transport prospered. Accordingly, some historians describe Abbaschr('39')s era as golden age and the economic flowering of the Safavid period. this conception is directed towards the institutional changes of shah abbas in the political and Social sphere which led to political centrality, road security, construction of Caravanserais and markets, the creation of cities and the establishment of trade relations with foreign countries. although these measures were favourable to the development of trade, and as a result of the reforms, great development occurred in business and The trade boom followed in the short - term but, however, was the kind of economic reform that led to the long - term accumulation of capital and stable economic growth. this is due to institutional barriers which North are divided into formal and informal constraints. this study examines the institutional changes and business conditions and the position of merchants in Shah Abbas I first regarding the theory of Douglas North and tries to examine the economic situation in Iran in the age of Shah Abbas with the theory of New Institutionalism and based on the theory of Adaptition with Linda Hutcheon.

Although in the process of the expansion and victory of the Iranian Revolution, in the years 1356- 1357, the Islamic movement played a decisive role; However, the Iranian Revolution also had the presence and effective participation of left-wing parties and political groups, liberal nationalists, and some groups with Islamist, left-wing, and nationalist aspirations. The Iranian Freedom Movement, which was closely associated with the Islamist movement, played an important role in the developments of the revolutionary period.  Purpose of the research: Considering that Imam Khomeini, the leader of the revolution, recognized pluralism and party politics within the framework of the Islamic Republic; The leading article attempts to answer the following question: From the beginning of the victory of the revolution until the endorsement and final approval of the constitution in December 1358, which established the legal-legal framework of the Islamic Republic, What did the Iranian Freedom Movement approach to pluralism, political commitment and loyalty among parties and political parties in the revolutionary party? Research method The present study is conducted through a historical survey (descriptive-analytical) and using a process tracking technique. The research findings show that Iranianchr('39')s Freedom Movement, whose political orientation and intellectual foundations were a combination of Islam and liberal nationalism, despite criticisms of the tendencies and practices of various political currents, He called for political engagement and loyalty among revolutionary parties and groups. The Iranian Freedom Movement supported the pluralism, supremacy, and peaceful party politics within the framework of the Islamic Republic.

The purpose of this study is to investigate the emergence of new phenomena in the field of politics and power relations in Iran. Analyzing the history of political developments in contemporary Iran, based on Ernesto Laclauchr('39')s account of "politics" and "people-based politics" and through the method of discourse analysis, we came to the conclusion that despite the multiplicity of movements, riots and resistance In the cities and villages against the local rulers and the central power, it is in the "tobacco movement" that we are confronted with a new kind of political action that calls for the demands and demands of the "people".

The existence of social divisions in Sassanid society has always increased segregation as well as the passive movement of the lower strata of society and the emergence of an escape problem, which caused the fall of the Sassanids in one of the most sensitive regions of Southwest Asia. In this research, which is done using historical method and analysis of the theory of gap and escape in sociology, by asking the question, what was the role of social gaps in the event of escape from the Sassanid government and then its fall by examining the role of Iranian society? And in response to that; The research hypothesis is that the social gaps in the Sassanid government caused the escape of various layer 05s of society in society and due to the Sassanids did not follow the political custom of the Iranian government theory based on adherence to different ethnicities and religions, the grounds for internal and structural collapse. Findings The research shows that the natural existence of social gaps in Sassanid society with the behavior of the government has led to the beginning of their activities and then accelerated the process of escape. From the theoretical study of the gap and escape, it was obtained that the contradictions in the Sassanid society became gaps in the long run, and because the lower layers of this society had the lowest position; As the life of this dynasty increased, they became more and more interested in escapism; In a way, each components of the Sassanid society turned to its local and trade union interests without regard to the previous society and the external powers paid attention.

The data of historical sources suffer from great heterogeneity, contradiction, and ambiguity to understand the demographic changes of the Isfahan population between the 10th and 13th centuries AH / 16th to 19th AD. Therefore, in the present research, with a historical approach and analytical-comparative method, seeks to identify and represent the demographic changes of this city during the mentioned centuries.The results obtained are as follows: First, the immigration outside the city of Isfahan caused by negative factors such as killing, disease, and famine, and also the immigration that were carried out from outside to the Safavid capital influenced by the positive economic, political, and cultural attractions of Isfahan, was the main factor in the decrease and increase of the population of this city during the 10th to 13th centuries AH / 16th to 19th AD. Second, according to an approximate estimate, the general slope of Isfahanchr('39')s population between the beginning of the 10th century AH to the early 12th century AH/16th to 18th AD increased and become meaningful after the fall of the Safavid government until the end of the 19th century AD/13 AH suffered sharp fluctuations and decrease. Third, the main population density of the city was concentrated in the northwest to southwest neighborhoods. Fourth, the immigration of groups with very diverse socio-geographical origins to the city of Isfahan, a sign of the lack of a clear plan and need for the economic system and the weakness of the middle layer of social stratification as the main carrier of capitalist formation was mentioned during the centuries; As a result, this issue has shown the tendency of socio-economic formation of the Safavid capital to maintain the existing structure.

The nature of national identity in any society depends on the dimensions of the constructor and its status, and consequently the nature of the constructive dimension and its status will bring different results in different societies. In the present study, the relationship between historical awareness and national identity of citizens in Kermanshah, in a sample of 384 people aged 18 and over has been studied. The main purpose of this study is to investigate the relationship between historical awareness and national identity of citizens (a case study of Kermanshah). The validity of the questionnaire was confirmed through formal validity and its reliability was confirmed by Cronbachchr('39')s alpha coefficient. Most variables had an alpha level above 0.75, which indicates the high power of the measuring instrument. SPSS statistical software and inferential statistical techniques such as Pearson correlation coefficient and regression were used to analyze the data. Findings show that between historical awareness and total national identity (r = 0.445), national identity in the social dimension (r = 0.104), in the political dimension (r = 0.583), in the geographical dimension (0.432) R = 0) and there is a positive and significant relationship in the cultural dimension (r = 0.260). In addition, the results of multivariate regression also indicate that the effect of historical awareness is in the political dimension (Beta = 0.555), geographical dimension (Beta = 0.141) and social dimension (Beta = 0.101). These three components of historical consciousness were able to explain and predict about 40% of the conceptual space of the dependent variable of national identity. Accordingly, it can be said that involving citizens in the political and cultural decisions of the country, expanding the supply of information to familiarize people with the historical, social and political aspects of life can promote a common sense of solidarity and national identity.

In This article by reviewing some of the most important Orientalist theories about Eastern societies and Theory of some Iranian theorists who have attempted to provide an account of Iranchr('39')s economic and political history, we show that although these theories have relatively high explanatory power, And there is a great deal of evidence in Iranian society to support these theories, But because of their metanarrative nature and influencing by the idea of ​​European orientation, they ignore Many of the historical details that have key role to understand some periods of Iranian history and Economic and political history of some parts of Iran, Therefore, their claims cannot be extended to all historical periods and all regions of Iran. For this purpose, while reviewing the economic and political history of Yazd, As one of the central plateau areas of Iran, We highlight Some features of the citychr('39')s economic and political history are incompatible with these metanarratives and can be described as "exception to the rule".