نشریه مطالعات راهبردی جهان اسلام
سال بیست و دوم شماره 2 (پیاپی 86، تابستان 1400)

Afghanistan is a land of hard changes. Regimes that arise in it remain difficult and easily destroyed; As it has seen seven types of government since 1352, Afghanistan has both blessings and retribution for its neighbors. The Afghans once overthrew the "famous" Safavi government in Iran and once drove the main enemy of Iran out of their borders. Afghanistan is a rich dervishes. A country with about 11 valuable mines and ores worth approximately $ 3 trillion; At the same time, today the UN says that it will not be able to control its administration without international support! The Taliban in this country is now on the verge of forming a second government, one that is more compatible with Pashtun Islam than with Hanafi Islam. Pashtun Islam is a mixture of Sufi tolerance and Pashtun violence. Its jurisprudence is Pashtun jurisprudence and its method is Pashtun. The difference is that "Taliban politicians" now realize that the path to a Pashtun government is not smooth and that they will have to accept some reforms. The developments in Afghanistan, on the other hand, bring special opportunities for the Islamic Republic, in addition to threats and warnings. Afghans are more related to "Iran" than any other neighbor, Afghan history, culture, language, customs are also Iranian "Free Afghan" owes to the Islamic Republic because in the expulsion of the United States from this border, except Iran it has not seen anyone beside him. With some tolerance, it can be said that "Afghanistan Talib" is now between two regional forces; Iran and Pakistan. The Taliban inwardly see Iran as liberating and Pakistan as occupying, although it cannot say so explicitly. The Taliban consider the 2,430-kilometer Durand Line border with Pakistan a British betrayal of the "Pashtun nation," and the Pashtun provinces in the northern of Pakistan a fragmented part of their country.

Despite its historical background in Islamic identity, Tunisia is a manifestation of Western ideologies and ideas due to its proximity to Europe and France in particular. The people of this country, although they have preserved Islam as a source of identity, have also been strongly influenced by Western thought. This is especially evident among the country's elites and decision-makers, who have been under French rule for years. The growth of scholarly thinking in this country is also one of the aspects of this issue. If we do not consider the transformed Ennahda party to be a secularist, which has traditionally been known as an Islamist current, The secular Front in Tunisia is divided into four factions. One: The right current, which includes the liberal and francophone spectrums. Second: The left current, which includes the Maoist to the Muscovite left, and Chinese left. Third: Nationalism, which includes patriotic and local nationalism, and fourth: Arabism, which has two sub-branches, Nasserite and Ba'athist. These four currents hold most of the country's political positions and play a role in the country's decision-making. In this article, while examining the role and weight of each of these currents, we analyze their relationship and proximity to the idea of resistance.

Despite its historical background in Islamic identity, Tunisia is a manifestation of Western ideologies and ideas due to its proximity to Europe and France in particular. The people of this country, although they have preserved Islam as a source of identity, have also been strongly influenced by Western thought. This is especially evident among the country's elites and decision-makers, who have been under French rule for years. The growth of scholarly thinking in this country is also one of the aspects of this issue. If we do not consider the transformed Ennahda party to be a secularist, which has traditionally been known as an Islamist current, The secular Front in Tunisia is divided into four factions. One: The right current, which includes the liberal and francophone spectrums. Second: The left current, which includes the Maoist to the Muscovite left, and Chinese left. Third: Nationalism, which includes patriotic and local nationalism, and fourth: Arabism, which has two sub-branches, Nasserite and Ba'athist. These four currents hold most of the country's political positions and play a role in the country's decision-making. In this article, while examining the role and weight of each of these currents, we analyze their relationship and proximity to the idea of resistance.

The West Asian region has been the center of gravity of US strategies throughout history. American attention to the region began in the 1970s with the retreat of Britain. Since then, US foreign policy has been based on a set of consistent policies toward the West Asian region. In 2016, with the election of Trump as President, he promised to restore the power and greatness of the United States, and in this regard, put on the agenda policies at home and abroad, some of which are referred to as the phenomenon of Trumpism. Given this, the present article seeks to answer the question: What were the general directions of Trump's foreign policy in the West Asian region and what principles did he follow? Findings from the article show that during the Trump era, the role of the president's personal character became a key element in front of the legal and political decision-making structures in the United States. The principles of the Trump Doctrine were a combination of realistic teachings and approaches. According to this doctrine, Trump has implemented a strategy of remote balancing towards the West Asian region and tried to keep this region within the sphere of influence of the United States of America. During this period, the United States shifted to remote management policy as it shifted its front-line role and became a foreign mediator in regional conflicts. From this perspective, the United States ceded the region to Saudi Arabia and the Zionist regime. Although US policies have not been consistent in dealing with the drawbacks of what were once considered the axis of evil, Trump has sought to counter Iran in West Asia by imposing large-scale, unprecedented economic sanctions, aside the military strategy of large presence of heavily equipment and expanding its "gray area" by providing small forces while using drones extensively during sustained, gradual, and increasing operations below the threshold of all-out war. Elsewhere, under the slogan "America First," Trump sought unilateralism based on support for domestic production and American national interests. At the same time, Trump sought world supremacy. Under Trump, the United States sought to maintain its supremacy by imposing additional costs on rivals, reducing its global commitments, increasing US military power, and domestic economic power.

The sphere of African countries has always been the arena of internal and external conflicts, and this trend has been highlighted recently. Turkey, Israel, Iran, Saudi Arabia and other West Asian powers are competing for the continent. Ethnic and especially religious components have intensified this trend. In particular, these components have put the political arena of African countries in crisis more than any other region. Nigeria, meanwhile, is prominent in terms of Muslim and Christian populations. The issue of religion and politics has severely shaken Nigeria's domestic arena, and it is exacerbated by foreign support. Given the importance of religion in Nigerian society, this article examines the nature of Islamist Sunni groups in the country, and finally examines the interactions of these groups with Christianity and Shiism and their relationship with Saudi Arabia and some Arab countries.

Due to the larger population and the location of Samarkand, Bukhara, Tashkent, Fergana, etc. in Uzbekistan, the country plays a pivotal role in the Central Asian region in terms of civilization, history and culture, as well as politically and militarily and because of that the model capacity of Uzbekistan in this region is very high. Indeed, given the limitation that regional governments often pose against Muslims and Islamic manifestations, opening up space for Islam in Uzbekistan could set a precedent in other Central Asian countries as a practical and successful example. This change in Uzbekistan itself began with the death of Karimov and the beginning of the presidency of Shukat Mirziyoyev. From this year on, the atmosphere in Uzbekistan became significantly wider as Mirziyoyev, after years as prime minister under Karimov, gained the experience that suppressing Islam was not possible in a society like Uzbekistan and would only foster underground and armed activities. In the first year of his rule, 20,000 people imprisoned for membership in Islamic parties and groups were released, 17 mosques were opened in Tashkent alone, and 2,000 religious organizations were registered. All this showed the strong thirst in Uzbek society for Islam and the ancient and civilizational heritage of the Trans-Euphrates region. Undoubtedly, in the coming decades we will see the further growth of Islamic culture and Islamist currents in Uzbekistan, given the deep roots of Islamic civilization in Transoxiana, the approximate Islamic and civilizational currents are likely to grow more pervasively than other Islamist currents, and this will naturally provide a great opportunity for the Islamic Republic of Iran to engage in cultural and even political cooperation with Uzbekistan over time. Due to the open space created during Mirziyoyev's time and the strong interest of the Uzbek people in Islamic culture and heritage, especially the teachings of Islamic mysticism, the Islamic Republic of Iran can play a very appropriate role with the presence of a wide cultural presence in different areas of Uzbekistan.